Founding Fathers, First
Families
As a country, we tend to honor the founders of the
country. And they should be honored, to the extent that
they created the framework for a society that works for
all of us. But it is also useful to notice that most of
them were large landholders, and that they set things
up in ways that were profitable and advantageous to
their class. Their heirs tended to have a lot of land,
often very good land. Fortunes were made on that land,
and their slaves and their tenants were the losers in
the equation. And today, there are important remnants
of what they set up which still disadvantage most
people with respect to land.
And even when someone's ancestors braved a long trek
in a time of less infrastructure and little technology,
does that entitle them to be treated differently today,
paid for by their more newly arrived neighbors?
How should we honor such claims to our labor today?
Wealthandwant contends that we must not, and that the
way to correct the inequity — and iniquity
— is by placing our primary tax load onto the
value of our best land.
Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George, a themed
collection of excerpts from the writings of Henry
George (with links to sources)
THE general subjection of the many to the few, which
we meet with wherever society has reached a certain
development, has resulted from the appropriation of
land as individual property. It is the ownership of the
soil that everywhere gives the ownership of the men
that live upon it. It is slavery of this kind to which
the enduring pyramids and the colossal monuments of
Egypt yet bear witness, and of the institution of which
we have, perhaps, a vague tradition in the biblical
story of the famine during which the Pharaoh purchased
up the lands of the people. It was slavery of this kind
to which, in the twilight of history, the conquerors of
Greece reduced the original inhabitants of that
peninsula, transforming them into helots by making them
pay rent for their lands. It was the growth of the
latifundia, or great landed
estates, which transmuted the population of ancient
Italy from a race of hardy husbandmen, whose robust
virtues conquered the world, into a race of cringing
bondsmen; it was the appropriation of the land as the
absolute property of their chieftains which gradually
turned the descendants of free and equal Gallic,
Teutonic and Hunnish warriors into colonii and
villains, and which changed the independent burghers of
Sclavonic village communities into the boors of Russia
and the serfs of Poland; which instituted the feudalism
of China and Japan, as well as that of Europe, and
which made the High Chiefs of Polynesia the all but
absolute masters of their fellows. How it came to pass
that the Aryan shepherds and warriors who, as
comparative philology tells us, descended from the
common birth-place of the Indo-Germanic race into the
lowlands of India, were turned into the suppliant and
cringing Hindoo, the Sanscrit verse which I have before
quoted gives us a hint. The white parasols and the
elephants mad with pride of the Indian Rajah are the
flowers of grants of land. —
Progress & Poverty
— Book VII, Chapter 1, Justice of the Remedy:
Injustice of private property in land
TRACE to their root the causes that are thus producing
want in the midst of plenty, ignorance in the midst of
intelligence, aristocracy in democracy, weakness in
strength — that are giving to our civilization a
one-sided and unstable development, and you will find
it something which this Hebrew statesman three thousand
years ago perceived and guarded against. Moses saw that
the real cause of the enslavement of the masses of
Egypt was, what has everywhere produced enslavement,
the possession by a class of the land upon which, and
from which, the whole people must live. He saw that to
permit in land the same unqualified private ownership
that by natural right attaches to the things produced
by labor, would be inevitably to separate the people
into the very rich and the very poor, inevitably to
enslave labor — to make the few the masters of.
the many, no matter what the political forms, to bring
vice and degradation, no matter what the
religion.
And with the foresight of the philosophic statesman who
legislates not for the need of a day, but for all the
future, he sought, in ways suited to his times and
conditions, to guard against this error. —
Moses
THE women who by the thousands are bending over their
needles or sewing machines, thirteen, fourteen, sixteen
hours a day; these widows straining and striving to
bring up the little ones deprived of their natural
bread-winner; the children that are growing up in
squalor and wretchedness, under-clothed, under-fed,
under-educated, even in this city without any place to
play — growing up under conditions in which only
a miracle can keep them pure — under conditions
which condemn them in advance to the penitentiary or
the brothel — they suffer, they die, because
we permit them to be robbed, robbed of their
birthright, robbed by a system which disinherits the
vast majority of the children that come into the world.
There is enough and to spare for them. Had they the
equal rights in the estate which their Creator has
given them, there would be no young girls forced to
unwomanly toil to eke out a mere existence, no widows
finding it such a bitter, bitter struggle to put bread
in the mouths of their little children; no such misery
and squalor as we may see here in the greatest of
American cities; misery and squalor that are deepest in
the largest and richest centers of our civilization
today. — Thou
Shalt Not Steal
... go to "Gems
from George"
Louis Post: Outlines of Louis F. Post's
Lectures, with Illustrative Notes and Charts
(1894)
d. Effect of Confiscating Rent to
Private Use.
By giving Rent to individuals society ignores this
most just law, 99 thereby creating social disorder and
inviting social disease. Upon society alone, therefore,
and not upon divine Providence which has provided
bountifully, nor upon the disinherited poor, rests the
responsibility for poverty and fear of poverty.
99. "Whatever dispute arouses the
passions of men, the conflict is sure to rage, not so
much as to the question 'Is it wise?' as to the
question 'Is it right?'
"This tendency of popular discussions
to take an ethical form has a cause. It springs from
a law of the human mind; it rests upon a vague and
instinctive recognition of what is probably the
deepest truth we can grasp. That alone is wise which
is just; that alone is enduring which is right. In
the narrow scale of individual actions and individual
life this truth may be often obscured, but in the
wider field of national life it everywhere stands
out.
"I bow to this arbitrament, and accept
this test." — Progress and Poverty, book vii,
ch. i.
The reader who has been deceived into
believing that Mr. George's proposition is in any
respect unjust, will find profit in a perusal of the
entire chapter from which the foregoing extract is
taken.
Let us try to trace the connection by means of a
chart, beginning with the white spaces on page 68. As
before, the first-comers take possession of the best
land. But instead of leaving for others what they do
not themselves need for use, as in the previous
illustrations, they appropriate the whole space, using
only part, but claiming ownership of the rest. We may
distinguish the used part with red color, and that
which is appropriated without use with blue. Thus:
[chart]
But what motive is there for appropriating more of
the space than is used? Simply that the appropriators
may secure the pecuniary benefit of future social
growth. What will enable them to secure that? Our
system of confiscating Rent from the community that
earns it, and giving it to land-owners who, as such,
earn nothing.100
100. It is reported from Iowa that a
few years ago a workman in that State saw a meteorite
fall, and. securing possession of it after much
digging, he was offered $105 by a college for his
"find." But the owner of the land on which the
meteorite fell claimed the money, and the two went to
law about it. After an appeal to the highest court of
the State, it was finally decided that neither by
right of discovery, nor by right of labor, could the
workman have the money, because the title to the
meteorite was in the man who owned the land upon
which it fell.
Observe the effect now upon Rent and Wages. When
other men come, instead of finding half of the best
land still common and free, as in the corresponding
chart on page 68, they find all of it owned, and are
obliged either to go upon poorer land or to buy or rent
from owners of the best. How much will they pay for the
best? Not more than 1, if they want it for use and not
to hold for a higher price in the future, for that
represents the full difference between its
productiveness and the productiveness of the next best.
But if the first-comers, reasoning that the next best
land will soon be scarce and theirs will then rise in
value, refuse to sell or to rent at that valuation, the
newcomers must resort to land of the second grade,
though the best be as yet only partly used.
Consequently land of the first grade commands Rent
before it otherwise would.
As the sellers' price, under these circumstances, is
arbitrary it cannot be stated in the chart; but the
buyers' price is limited by the superiority of the best
land over that which can be had for nothing, and the
chart may be made to show it: [chart]
And now, owing to the success of the appropriators
of the best land in securing more than their fellows
for the same expenditure of labor force, a rush is made
for unappropriated land. It is not to use it that it is
wanted, but to enable its appropriators to put Rent
into their own pockets as soon as growing demand for
land makes it valuable.101 We may, for illustration,
suppose that all the remainder of the second space and
the whole of the third are thus appropriated, and note
the effect: [chart]
At this point Rent does not increase nor Wages fall,
because there is no increased demand for land for use.
The holding of inferior land for higher prices, when
demand for use is at a standstill, is like owning lots
in the moon — entertaining, perhaps, but not
profitable. But let more land be needed for use, and
matters promptly assume a different appearance. The new
labor must either go to the space that yields but 1, or
buy or rent from owners of better grades, or hire out.
The effect would be the same in any case. Nobody for
the given expenditure of labor force would get more
than 1; the surplus of products would go to landowners
as Rent, either directly in rent payments, or
indirectly through lower Wages. Thus: [chart]
101. The text speaks of Rent only as a
periodical or continuous payment — what would
be called "ground rent." But actual or potential Rent
may always be, and frequently is, capitalized for the
purpose of selling the right to enjoy it, and it is
to selling value that we usually refer when dealing
in land.
Land which has the power of yielding
Rent to its owner will have a selling value, whether
it be used or not, and whether Rent is actually
derived from it or not. This selling value will be
the capitalization of its present or prospective
power of producing Rent. In fact, much the larger
proportion of laud that has a selling value is wholly
or partly unused, producing no Rent at all, or less
than it would if fully used. This condition is
expressed in the chart by the blue color.
"The capitalized value of land is the
actuarial 'discounted' value of all the net incomes
which it is likely to afford, allowance being made on
the one hand for all incidental expenses, including
those of collecting the rents, and on the other for
its mineral wealth, its capabilities of development
for any kind of business, and its advantages,
material, social, and aesthetic, for the purposes of
residence." — Marshall's Prin., book vi, ch.
ix, sec. 9.
"The value of land is commonly
expressed as a certain number of times the current
money rental, or in other words, a certain 'number of
years' purchase' of that rental; and other things
being equal, it will be the higher the more important
these direct gratifications are, as well as the
greater the chance that they and the money income
afforded by the land will rise." — Id.,
note.
"Value . . . means not utility, not
any quality inhering in the thing itself, but a
quality which gives to the possession of a thing the
power of obtaining other things, in return for it or
for its use. . . Value in this sense — the
usual sense — is purely relative. It exists
from and is measured by the power of obtaining things
for things by exchanging them. . . Utility is
necessary to value, for nothing can be valuable
unless it has the quality of gratifying some physical
or mental desire of man, though it be but a fancy or
whim. But utility of itself does not give value. . .
If we ask ourselves the reason of . . . variations in
. . . value . . . we see that things having some form
of utility or desirability, are valuable or not
valuable, as they are hard or easy to get. And if we
ask further, we may see that with most of the things
that have value this difficulty or ease of getting
them, which determines value, depends on the amount
of labor which must be expended in producing them ;
i.e., bringing them into the place, form and
condition in which they are desired. . . Value is
simply an expression of the labor required for the
production of such a thing. But there are some things
as to which this is not so clear. Land is not
produced by labor, yet land, irrespective of any
improvements that labor has made on it, often has
value. . . Yet a little examination will show that
such facts are but exemplifications of the general
principle, just as the rise of a balloon and the fall
of a stone both exemplify the universal law of
gravitation. . . The value of everything produced by
labor, from a pound of chalk or a paper of pins to
the elaborate structure and appurtenances of a
first-class ocean steamer, is resolvable on analysis
into an equivalent of the labor required to produce
such a thing in form and place; while the value of
things not produced by labor, but nevertheless
susceptible of ownership, is in the same way
resolvable into an equivalent of the labor which the
ownership of such a thing enables the owner to obtain
or save." —
Perplexed Philosopher, ch. v.
The figure 1 in parenthesis, as an item of Rent,
indicates potential Rent. Labor would give that much
for the privilege of using the space, but the owners
hold out for better terms; therefore neither Rent nor
Wages is actually produced, though but for this both
might be.
In this chart, notwithstanding that but little space
is used, indicated with red, Wages are reduced to the
same low point by the mere appropriation of space,
indicated with blue, that they would reach if all the
space above the poorest were fully used. It thereby
appears that under a system which confiscates Rent to
private uses, the demand for land for speculative
purposes becomes so great that Wages fall to a minimum
long before they would if land were appropriated only
for use.
In illustrating the effect of confiscating Rent to
private use we have as yet ignored the element of
social growth. Let us now assume as before (page 73),
that social growth increases the productive power of
the given expenditure of labor force to 100 when
applied to the best land, 50 when applied to the next
best, 10 to the next, 3 to the next, and 1 to the
poorest. Labor would not be benefited now, as it
appeared to be when on page 73 we illustrated the
appropriation of land for use only, although much less
land is actually used. The prizes which expectation of
future social growth dangles before men as the rewards
of owning land, would raise demand so as to make it
more than ever difficult to get land. All of the fourth
grade would be taken up in expectation of future
demand; and "surplus labor" would be crowded out to the
open space that originally yielded nothing, but which
in consequence of increased labor power now yields as
much as the poorest closed space originally yielded,
namely, 1 to the given expenditure of labor force.102
Wages would then be reduced to the present
productiveness of the open space. Thus: [chart]
102. The paradise to which the youth
of our country have so long been directed in the
advice, "Go West, young man, go West," is truthfully
described in "Progress and Poverty," book iv, ch. iv,
as follows :
"The man who sets out from the
eastern seaboard in search of the margin of
cultivation, where he may obtain land without
paying rent, must, like the man who swam the river
to get a drink, pass for long distances through
half-titled farms, and traverse vast areas of
virgin soil, before he reaches the point where land
can be had free of rent — i.e., by homestead
entry or preemption."
If we assume that 1 for the given expenditure of
labor force is the least that labor can take while
exerting the same force, the downward movement of Wages
will be here held in equilibrium. They cannot fall
below 1; but neither can they rise above it, no matter
how much productive power may increase, so long as it
pays to hold land for higher values. Some laborers
would continually be pushed back to land which
increased productive power would have brought up in
productiveness from 0 to 1, and by perpetual
competition for work would so regulate the labor market
that the given expenditure of labor force, however much
it produced, could nowhere secure more than 1 in
Wages.103 And this tendency would persist until some
labor was forced upon land which, despite increase in
productive power, would not yield the accustomed living
without increase of labor force. Competition for work
would then compel all laborers to increase their
expenditure of labor force, and to do it over and over
again as progress went on and lower and lower grades of
land were monopolized, until human endurance could go
no further.104 Either that, or they would be obliged to
adapt themselves to a lower scale of living.105
103. Henry Fawcett, in his work on
"Political Economy," book ii, ch. iii, observes with
reference to improvements in agricultural implements
which diminish the expense of cultivation, that they
do not increase the profits of the farmer or the
wages of his laborers, but that "the landlord will
receive in addition to the rent already paid to him,
all that is saved in the expense of cultivation."
This is true not alone of improvements in
agriculture, but also of improvements in all other
branches of industry.
104. "The cause which limits
speculation in commodities, the tendency of
increasing price to draw forth additional supplies,
cannot limit the speculative advance in land values,
as land is a fixed quantity, which human agency can
neither increase nor diminish; but there is
nevertheless a limit to the price of land, in the
minimum required by labor and capital as the
condition of engaging in production. If it were
possible to continuously reduce wages until zero were
reached, it would be possible to continuously
increase rent until it swallowed up the whole
produce. But as wages cannot be permanently reduced
below the point at which laborers will consent to
work and reproduce, nor interest below the point at
which capital will be devoted to production, there is
a limit which restrains the speculative advance of
rent. Hence, speculation cannot have the same scope
to advance rent in countries where wages and interest
are already near the minimum, as in countries where
they are considerably above it. Yet that there is in
all progressive countries a constant tendency in the
speculative advance of rent to overpass the limit
where production would cease, is, I think, shown by
recurring seasons of industrial paralysis." —
Progress and Poverty, book iv, ch. iv.
105. As Puck once put it, "the man who
makes two blades of grass to grow where but one grew
before, must not be surprised when ordered to 'keep
off the grass.' "
They in fact do both, and the incidental
disturbances of general readjustment are what we call
"hard times." 106 These culminate in forcing unused
land into the market, thereby reducing Rent and
reviving industry. Thus increase of labor force, a
lowering of the scale of living, and depression of
Rent, co-operate to bring on what we call "good times."
But no sooner do "good times" return than renewed
demands for land set in, Rent rises again, Wages fall
again, and "hard times" duly reappear. The end of every
period of "hard times" finds Rent higher and Wages
lower than at the end of the previous period.107
106. "That a speculative advance in
rent or land values invariably precedes each of these
seasons of industrial depression is everywhere clear.
That they bear to each other the relation of cause
and effect, is obvious to whoever considers the
necessary relation between land and labor." —
Progress and Poverty, book v, ch. i.
107. What are called "good times"
reach a point at which an upward land market sets in.
From that point there is a downward tendency of wages
(or a rise in the cost of living, which is the same
thing) in all departments of labor and with all
grades of laborers. This tendency continues until the
fictitious values of land give way. So long as the
tendency is felt only by that class which is hired
for wages, it is poverty merely; when the same
tendency is felt by the class of labor that is
distinguished as "the business interests of the
country," it is "hard times." And "hard times" are
periodical because land values, by falling, allow
"good times" to set it, and by rising with "good
times" bring "hard times" on again. The effect of
"hard times" may be overcome, without much, if any,
fall in land values, by sufficient increase in
productive power to overtake the fictitious value of
land.
The dishonest and disorderly system under which
society confiscates Rent from common to individual
uses, produces this result. That maladjustment is the
fundamental cause of poverty. And progress, so long as
the maladjustment continues, instead of tending to
remove poverty as naturally it should, actually
generates and intensifies it. Poverty persists with
increase of productive power because land values, when
Rent is privately appropriated, tend to even greater
increase. There can be but one outcome if this
continues: for individuals suffering and degradation,
and for society destruction.
... read the
book
Walter Rybeck: What Affordable Housing
Problem?
Like all creatures — goldfinches,
squirrels, butterflies, cicadas — we humans are
squatters on this planet. We all need a part of earth
for shelter, nourishment, a work site and a place to
raise the next generation. Otherwise we perish.
...
In the 1980s, Washington, D.C., was concerned
about its growing army of homeless. At that time I
found there were 8,000 boarded-up dwelling units in our
Nation's Capital — more than enough to
accommodate some 5,000 street people. I also found
there were 11,500 privately owned vacant lots in the
District of Columbia, mostly zoned for and suitable for
homes or apartments. Decent housing on these sites held
in cold storage would have provided an alternative for
the many low-income families squatting in places that
were overcrowded, overpriced, overrun with vermin and
overloaded with safety hazards.
These issues spurred my research described in a
1988 report, "Affordable Housing
— A Missing Link." Evidence from the
Census Bureau, Bureau of Labor Statistics and other
sources over a 30-year period revealed the following
average cost increases of items that go into the
building and maintenance of housing:
- Wages of general building construction
workers rose 14 percent a year.
- Wages of special trade construction workers
rose 11 percent a year.
- Construction material costs rose 11.5
percent a year.
- Combined wage-materials-managerial costs for
residential building rose 12.5 percent a
year.
- Fuel and utility costs for housing rose 13.8
percent a year. All of these costs closely tracked the
Consumer Price Index which, over these same 30 years,
rose by 12 percent a year. According to those figures,
housing prices and housing rents apparently were held
in check
Why do those statistics not seem to jibe with
what you have been told, seen with your own eyes, and
felt in your own pocketbooks?
- How to explain that, during the last decade
of my research period, U.S. households with serious
housing problems increased from 19 to 24
millions?
- What caused the portion of renters paying
more than 35 percent of their income for housing
doubled from 21 to 41 percent during the last two
decades of the study period?
- Why were over 2.4 million renters paying 60
percent or more of their income for rent?
The answers would be obvious except that, so
far, I have not mentioned what happened to the price of
the land that housing sits on. Many of those who talk
and write about housing conveniently overlook the fact
that housing does not exist in mid air but is attached
to the land, and that the price of this land has gone
through the stratosphere.
In contrast to those 11- to
14-percent annual increases in housing-related costs,
residential land values nationwide rose almost 80
percent a year, or almost 2000 percent over those three
decades. ...
A close friend in Bethesda bought a house and
lot there 40 years ago for $20,000. Two months ago he
sold the property for a cool half million. That 2400
percent increase was entirely land value. The buyer
immediately demolished the house to put up a larger
one, so he clearly paid half a million for the location
value — the land value —
alone.
Officials, civic leaders and commentators who
bemoan the lack of affordable housing nevertheless
applaud each rise in real estate values as a sign of
prosperity. Seeing their own assets multiply through no
effort of their own apparently makes them forget the
teachers, firemen, police and low-income people who are
boxed out of a place to squat in their cities and
neighborhoods. ...
Many of our Founding Fathers,
George Washington included, had amassed huge estates.
But the property tax induced them to sell off excess
lands they were not using.
...
One of the many virtues of a
tax on land values is that it can be introduced
gradually. Cities that take this incremental approach
report that homeowners-voters-taxpayers hardly notice
the change. What's important
in modernizing your taxation is not the speed of change
but the direction you choose. If you keep the
present tax system with its disincentives for compact
and wholesome growth, you will experience the treadmill
effect that has been so familiar in so-called urban and
housing "solutions." You will have to keep running
faster and faster with patchwork remedies to keep from
sliding backward.
A caution. Revising taxes as
proposed here will not end the need for housing
subsidies, at least not in the short run, but it will
do three things that should greatly reduce
subsidies.
- One, by deflating land costs it will enable
the private market to offer homes and sites at lower
costs.
- Two, this will shrink the number of families
needing subsidies.
- Three, it will stretch subsidy dollars
farther because sites for publicly assisted housing can
be acquired far more cheaply.
In Conclusion, I have tried to show that
America has a housing land problem,
not an affordable housing problem. This problem
can be substantially alleviated by freeing the market
of anti-enterprise taxes and by turning the property tax right side up -- that is,
by dropping tax rates on housing and by raising them on
publicly-created land values. Read the whole
article
Fred E. Foldvary — The Ultimate Tax Reform:
Public Revenue from Land Rent
Land value taxation was viewed favorably by the
classical economists, starting with Adam Smith, who
wrote, “Ground-rents, and the ordinary rent of
land, are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue
which can best bear to have a particular tax imposed
upon them. Ground-rents seem, in this respect, a more
proper subject of particular taxation than even the
ordinary rent of land.”14
In the late 1700s, Thomas Spence proposed
communities made up of leaseholds, thus financing
community expenses from the rent, an idea advanced
later by Ebenezer Howard, who influenced the design of
residential associations in the twentieth century.
Thomas Jefferson believed “the Earth is given
as a common stock for men to labour and live
on.”15 In 1797, he suggested “a land tax
supply the means by which the individual States were to
contribute their quotas of revenue to the Federal
Government.”16
From 1778 to the adoption of the U.S. Constitution
in 1789, the United States was governed by the Articles
of Confederation. Article VII stated the expenses of
the Confederation shall be defrayed out of a common
treasury, which shall be supplied by the several
states, in proportion to the value of all land within
each state, granted to or surveyed for any person, as
such land and the buildings and improvements thereon
shall be estimated according to such mode as the United
States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time
direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that
proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority
and direction of the legislatures of the several states
within the time agreed upon by the United States in
Congress assembled.17
Thus, the states would levy taxes and each would
pass on a share of the federal budget based on its land
value. Individuals would pay taxes only to their state
and local governments.18
Thomas Paine, the eighteenth century political
philosopher and activist known for his important role
in the American Revolution, advocated in Agrarian
Justice that land rent is the proper source of public
revenue.19 Paine wrote, “it is the value of the
improvements only, and not the Earth itself, that is
individual property. Every proprietor, therefore, of
cultivated land owes to the community a ground-rent,
for I know no better term to express the idea by, for
the land which he holds ...”20
Bill Batt: The
Compatibility of Georgist Economics and Ecological
Economics
In the Georgist context a
titleholder has the right to ownership of land in
usufruct, but not in fee simple. As long as an owner
uses land and other elements of nature in accord with
the rules and laws of society, one retains a possessory
interest. That interest extends to the privilege
to use land for all purposes consistent with its proper
maintenance and care. It extends even in some cases to
the right to preclude others from any trespass at all.
But what it typically does not include
is the right to any speculative gain that would follow
from title in freehold, or the right to use land beyond
what it is capable of sustaining. Use implies
that its quality is not diminished for the future
availability of others, and that there is an obligation
for the user to pay to society a just price in exchange
for such use. One had no right, for example, to strip a
forest of its trees. Enough is known now about the
arrangements of land ownership and use in comparative
perspective to assert with confidence that the
historical practice of title in fee simple or freehold
has been far more the exception than
rule.20 Taking
the long view of history, title in usufruct has been by
far the more common pattern of ownership of natural
resources, except where Roman jurisprudence and its
offspring have spread throughout the world and come to
dominate.
In the United States, the definition of real
property as explicated in the legal Commentaries of Sir
William Blackstone may have been pivotal in the
adoption of freehold interpretations of ownership over
leasehold.21
For several years after this nation was founded which
system of title would prevail hung in the
balance.22
Thomas Paine was certainly an advocate of the
latter,23 as
was Jefferson.24 Hamilton, on the other hand,
was a defender of propertied interests and titles in
fee simple, and especially to his in-laws, the
landowning families of upstate New York known as the
Patroons.25
Leaseholds were used in several of the colonies, with
the fees paid to governors.26 ... read the whole
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