Meritocracy
One of the things sometimes said about America is that
it should be a meritocracy — that those who work
hard deserve their success, and that all we really need
to do is provide equal opportunity for all to succeed,
through providing public education through high school at
taxpayers' expense and making colleges available and some
scholarship and loan aid to our young people whose
families can't afford to pay for college costs
themselves.
But in most towns, there are individuals and
corporations and absentees of various kinds who own the
prime sites, and they get to collect rent — rent on
buildings (to which Georgists believe they are fully
entitled) and rent on the location (to which Georgists
believe the community is entitled). Then someone
has to pay for the infrastructure and services which,
with the natural amenities none of us can take credit for
and the population growth to which we each contribute
equally, help make the site valuable. So while we
may tax land value a little, we also tax buildings (see:
property tax is two taxes), and in many places we tax
wages and other income, and even sales, in order to
provide those publicly funded goods which serve to
increase the locational rent that the tenant
pays! Much better would be to tax land
value more, and buildings, income and sales less or not
at all. This would align justice and desirable
incentives, and would actually reduce the amount that
government needs to spend taking care of those who lack
jobs sufficient to provide income to meet their own
needs.
Should the child of someone who owns a fabulously
located piece of land have more advantages than the child
of someone who must pay rent for their bit of land on the
fringe? This is a different question from whether the
child of the person who provides some valued service to
others out of his own talents and effort should have more
than the person who could work but doesn't. But we don't
make that distinction nearly as clearly as we should, and
it is an important difference. Land value taxation
provides a way to collect back for the commons that which
comes from the commons
Henry George: The Land Question
(1881)
A little Island or a little
World
IMAGINE an island girt with ocean; imagine a little
world swimming in space. Put on it, in imagination, human
beings. Let them divide the land, share and share alike,
as individual property. At first, while population is
sparse and industrial processes rude and primitive, this
will work well enough.
Turn away the eyes of the mind for a moment, let time
pass, and look again. Some families will have died out,
some have greatly multiplied; on the whole, population
will have largely increased, and even supposing there
have been no important inventions or improvements in the
productive arts, the increase in population, by causing
the division of labor, will have made industry more
complex. During this time some of these people will have
been careless, generous, improvident; some will have been
thrifty and grasping. Some of them will have devoted much
of their powers to thinking of how they themselves and
the things they see around them came to be, to inquiries
and speculations as to what there is in the universe
beyond their little island or their little world, to
making poems, painting pictures, or writing books; to
noting the differences in rocks and trees and shrubs and
grasses; to classifying beasts and birds and fishes and
insects – to the doing, in short, of all the many
things which add so largely to the sum of human knowledge
and human happiness, without much or any gain of wealth
to the doer. Others again will have devoted all their
energies to the extending of their possessions. What,
then, shall we see, land having been all this time
treated as private property? Clearly, we shall see that
the primitive equality has given way to inequality. Some
will have very much more than one of the original shares
into which the land was divided; very many will have no
land at all. Suppose that, in all things save this, our
little island or our little world is Utopia – that
there are no wars or robberies; that the government is
absolutely pure and taxes nominal; suppose, if you want
to, any sort of a currency; imagine, if you can imagine
such a world or island, that interest is utterly
abolished; yet inequality in the ownership of land will
have produced poverty and virtual slavery.
For the people we have supposed are human beings –
that is to say, in their physical natures at least, they
are animals who can live only on land and by the aid of
the products of land. They may make machines which will
enable them to float on the sea, or perhaps to fly in the
air, but to build and equip these machines they must have
land and the products of land, and must constantly come
back to land. Therefore those who own the land must be
the masters of the rest. Thus, if one man has come to own
all the land, he is their absolute master even to life or
death. If they can live on the land only on his terms,
then they can live only on his terms, for without land
they cannot live. They are his absolute slaves, and so
long as his ownership is acknowledged, if they want to
live, they must do in everything as he wills.
If, however, the concentration of landownership has not
gone so far as to make one or a very few men the owners
of all the land – if there are still so many
landowners that there is competition between them as well
as between those who have only their labor – then
the terms on which these non-landholders can live will
seem more like free contract. But it will not be free
contract. Land can yield no wealth without the
application of labor; labor can produce no wealth without
land. These are the two equally necessary factors of
production. Yet, to say that they are equally necessary
factors of production is not to say that, in the making
of contracts as to how the results of production are
divided, the possessors of these two meet on equal terms.
For the nature of these two factors is very different.
Land is a natural element; the human being must have his
stomach filled every few hours. Land can exist without
labor, but labor cannot exist without land. If I own a
piece of land, I can let it lie idle for a year or for
years, and it will eat nothing. But the laborer must eat
every day, and his family must eat. And so, in the making
of terms between them, the landowner has an immense
advantage over the laborer. It is on the side of the
laborer that the intense pressure of competition comes,
for in his case it is competition urged by hunger. And,
further than this: As population increases, as the
competition for the use of land becomes more and more
intense, so are the owners of land enabled to get for the
use of their land a larger and larger part of the wealth
which labor exerted upon it produces. That is to say, the
value of land steadily rises. Now, this steady rise in
the value of land brings about a confident expectation of
future increase of value, which produces among landowners
all the effects of a combination to hold for higher
prices. Thus there is a constant tendency to force mere
laborers to take less and less or to give more and more
(put it which way you please, it amounts to the same
thing) of the products of their work for the opportunity
to work. And thus, in the very nature of things, we
should see on our little island or our little world that,
after a time had passed, some of the people would be able
to take and enjoy a superabundance of all the fruits of
labor without doing any labor at all, while others would
be forced to work the livelong day for a pitiful
living.
But let us introduce another element into the
supposition. Let us suppose great discoveries and
inventions – such as the steam-engine, the
power-loom, the Bessemer process, the reaping-machine,
and the thousand and one labor-saving devices that are
such a marked feature of our era. What would be the
result?
Manifestly, the effect of all such discoveries and
inventions is to increase the power of labor in producing
wealth – to enable the same amount of wealth to be
produced by less labor, or a greater amount with the same
labor. But none of them lessen, or can lessen the
necessity for land. Until we can discover some way of
making something out of nothing – and that is so
far beyond our powers as to be absolutely unthinkable
– there is no possible discovery or invention which
can lessen the dependence of labor upon land. And, this
being the case, the effect of these labor-saving devices,
land being the private property of some, would simply be
to increase the proportion of the wealth produced that
landowners could demand for the use of their land. The
ultimate effect of these discoveries and inventions would
be not to benefit the laborer, but to make him more
dependent.
And, since we are imagining conditions, imagine
laborsaving inventions to go to the farthest imaginable
point, that is to say, to perfection. What then? Why
then, the necessity for labor being done away with, all
the wealth that the land could produce would go entire to
the landowners. None of it whatever could be claimed by
any one else. For the laborers there would be no use at
all. If they continued to exist, it would be merely as
paupers on the bounty of the landowners!... read
the whole article
Henry George: Thou
Shalt Not Steal
"Thou shalt not steal"; that is the law of God. What
does it mean? Well, it does not merely mean that you
shall not pick pockets! It does not merely mean that you
shall not commit burglary or highway robbery! There are
other forms of stealing which it prohibits as well. It
certainly means (if it has any meaning) that we shall not
take that to which we are not entitled, to the detriment
of others.
Now, here is a desert. Here is a caravan going along
over the desert. Here is a gang of robbers. They say:
"Look! There is a rich caravan; let us go and rob it,
kill the men if necessary, take their goods from them,
their camels and horses, and walk off." But one of the
robbers says: "Oh, no; that is dangerous; besides,
that would be stealing! Let us, instead of doing that, go
ahead to where there is a spring, the only spring at
which this caravan can get water in this desert. Let us
put a wall around it and call it ours, and when they come
up we won’t let them have any water until they have
given us all the goods they have." That would be more
gentlemanly, more polite, and more respectable; but would
it not be theft all the same? And is it not theft of the
same kind when people go ahead in advance of population
and get land they have no use whatever for, and then, as
people come into the world and population increases, will
not let this increasing population use the land until
they pay an exorbitant price?
That is the sort of theft on which our first
families are founded. Do that under the false code of
morality which exists here today and people will praise
your forethought and your enterprise, and will say you
have made money because you are a very superior person,
and that all can make money if they will only work and be
industrious! But is it not as clearly a violation of the
command: "Thou shalt not steal," as taking the money out
of a person’s pocket?
"Thou shalt not steal." That means, of course, that we
ourselves must not steal. But does it not also mean that
we must not suffer anybody else to steal if we can help
it?
"Thou shalt not steal." Does it not also mean: "Thou
shalt not suffer thyself or anybody else to be stolen
from?" If it does, then we, all of us, rich and poor
alike, are responsible for this social crime that
produces poverty. Not merely the people who monopolize
the land — they are not to blame above anyone else,
but we who permit them to monopolize land are also
parties to the theft. ... read the whole article
Bill Batt: Painless
Taxation
Abstract Real tax reform could
do away with those taxes that are resented by the large
proportion of our population. We could replace all taxes
on wages and on interest by instead taxing economic rent.
Rent is windfall income; it is income that arises not
from the efforts of any person or corporation; it comes
about as a surplus gain from common social enterprise.
There is ample moral warrant for society to lay claim to
that which it has created, as well as to that which no
individual or party has earned. Analysis increasingly
makes clear that economic rent in all its forms is far
larger than official government figures indicate; in fact
it is likely sufficient to supplant all current taxes on
labor and capital (wages and interest) which are
acknowledged to have so many negative effects. Recovering
economic rent in all its manifestations by taxing its
various bases actually can foster economic performance
and yield other benefits that make it the natural source
of revenue for governments. Such a tax is essentially
painless. ...
The Tax Base
The next concern should be upon what base to impose a
tax — not about taxing whom but taxing what. There
are only three possibilities, as all revenue streams
necessarily come from one of three factors of economic
production —
1) upon resources found raw in nature (what was
classically called land),
2) upon our labor, or
3) upon things created by human hands or minds
(capital).
No other source exists; every possible tax must be on
one or some combination of these parts. Each of these
factors has its price: the price of land is counted in
economic rent; the price of labor is in wages, and the
price of capital (its liquid form) is in interest.
Any tax on capital has its downside effects, so that
taxing savings causes people to save less, taxing
consumption causes people to buy less, and taxing
buildings causes people to build less. The result is that
economists as well as businessmen usually frown upon
taxing capital. Another alternative is to tax labor, but
it is even more widely understood that taxing labor
normally discourages people from working as much as they
would in the absence of a tax. From this comes sentiment
against taxing labor, even though for want of any
alternative, people have today commonly come to accept it
as a necessity. But electing to tax labor, just as for
taxing capital, forecloses a discussion of the virtues of
taxing land — not necessarily land as earth, but
rather land as location. Yet land rent is the most
attractive tax base of all, as rent is not earned; it is
windfall income, entirely the result of being well
situated in any market of scarce natural resources and
where community demand (rather than one's own efforts)
leads to an appreciation of that land's price. To
be sure many people have learned to position themselves
in situations where a land's market value is likely to
rise — indeed these people come to think of
themselves as astute investors. But the fact is
that that market gain is not of their own doing at all;
it is the result of common enterprise creating a surplus
that comes to settle on land sites. An investment in
land, in any form it might take, is speculation in
greater or lesser degree. ... read the whole
article
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