Productivity
Who gets the gains in productivity created by advances in
technology? Should it be the person who works —
labor — or the capitalist, or the landholder? The
way we've got it set up now, those gains accrue, not to
the capitalist or the laborer, but to the landholder. But
few of us realize it, and those who are benefiting just
know they like the way things are working now. They've
got privileges, and the system works for them, just fine,
thank you!
Henry George: The Land Question
(1881)
The owner of city land takes, in the rents he
receives for his land, the earnings of labor just as
clearly as does the owner of farming land. And whether he
be working in a garret ten stories above the street, or
in a mining drift thousands of feet below the earth's
surface, it is the competition for the use of land that
ultimately determines what proportion of the produce of
his labor the laborer will get for himself. This is the reason why modern progress does not tend
to extirpate poverty; this is the reason why, with all
the inventions and improvements and economies which so
enormously increase productive power, wages everywhere
tend to the minimum of a bare living. ... read
the whole article
H.G. Brown: Significant Paragraphs
from Henry George's Progress & Poverty, Chapter 4: Land
Speculation Causes Reduced Wages
The immense area over which the population of the
United States is scattered shows this. The man who sets
out from the Eastern Seaboard in search of the margin of
cultivation, where he may obtain land without paying
rent, must, like the man who swam the river to get a
drink, pass for long distances through half-tilled farms,
and traverse vast areas of virgin soil, before he reaches
the point where land can be had free of rent i.e., by
homestead entry or pre-emption. He (and, with him, the
margin of cultivation) is forced so much farther than he
otherwise need have gone, by the speculation which is
holding these unused lands in expectation of increased
value in the future. And when he settles, he will, in his
turn, take up, if he can, more land than he can use, in
the belief that it will soon become valuable; and so
those who follow him are again forced farther on than the
necessities of production require, carrying the margin of
cultivation to still less productive, because still more
remote points. ... read the whole
chapter
H.G. Brown: Significant
Paragraphs from Henry George's Progress & Poverty,
Chapter 5: The Basic Cause of Poverty (in the
unabridged:
Book V: The Problem Solved)
The great problem, of which these recurring seasons of
industrial depression are but peculiar manifestations, is
now, I think, fully solved, and the social phenomena
which all over the civilized world appall the
philanthropist and perplex the statesman, which hang with
clouds the future of the most advanced races, and suggest
doubts of the reality and ultimate goal of what we have
fondly called progress, are now explained.
The reason why, in spite of the increase of productive
power, wages constantly tend to a minimum which will give
but a bare living, is that, with increase in productive
power, rent tends to even greater increase, thus
producing a constant tendency to the forcing down of
wages.
Land being necessary to labor, and being reduced to
private ownership, every increase in the productive power
of labor but increases rent — the price that labor
must pay for the opportunity to utilize its powers; and
thus all the advantages gained by the march of progress
go to the owners of land, and wages do not increase.*
*Whatever be the fact as to wages, the
reader will, of course, recognize that higher money
wages which merely balance higher living costs, are not
to be reckoned as real wage increases. H.G.B
The simple theory which I have outlined (if indeed it
can be called a theory which is but the recognition of
the most obvious relations) explains this conjunction of
poverty with wealth, of low wages with high productive
power, of degradation amid enlightenment, of virtual
slavery in political liberty. ... read the whole
chapter
Louis Post: Outlines
of Louis F. Post's Lectures, with Illustrative Notes and
Charts (1894)
4. CONFORMITY TO GENERAL
PRINCIPLES OF TAXATION
The single tax conforms most closely to the essential
principles of Adam Smith's four classical maxims, which
are stated best by Henry George 19 as follows:
The best tax by which public revenues can be raised is
evidently that which will closest conform to the
following conditions:
- That it bear as lightly as possible upon production
— so as least to check the increase of the
general fund from which taxes must be paid and the
community maintained. 20
- That it be easily and cheaply collected, and fall
as directly as may be upon the ultimate payers —
so as to take from the people as little as possible in
addition to what it yields the government. 21
- That it be certain — so as to give the least
opportunity for tyranny or corruption on the part of
officials, and the least temptation to law-breaking and
evasion on the part of the tax-payers. 22
- That it bear equally — so as to give no
citizen an advantage or put any at a disadvantage, as
compared with others. 23
19. "Progress and Poverty," book viii.
ch.iii.
20. This is the second part of Adam
Smith's fourth maxim. He states it as follows: "Every
tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and to
keep out of the pockets of the people as little as
possible over and above what it brings into the public
treasury of the state. A tax may either take out or
keep out of the pockets of the people a great deal more
than it brings into the public treasury in the four
following ways: . . . Secondly, it may obstruct the
industry of the people, and discourage them from
applying to certain branches of business which might
give maintenance and employment to great multitudes.
While it obliges the people to pay, it may thus
diminish or perhaps destroy some of the funds which
might enable them more easily to do so."
21. This is the first part of Adam
Smith's fourth maxim, in which he condemns a tax that
takes out of the pockets of the people more than it
brings into the public treasury.
22. This is Adam Smith's second maxim. He
states it as follows: "The tax which each individual is
bound to pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary. The
time of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to
be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the
contributor and to every other person. Where it is
otherwise, every person subject to the tax is put more
or less in the power of the tax gatherer."
23. This is Adam Smith's first maxim. He
states it as follows: "The subjects of every state
ought to contribute towards the support of the
government as nearly as possible in proportion to their
respective abilities, that is to say, in proportion to
the revenue which they respectively enjoy under the
protection of the state. The expense of government to
the individuals of a great nation is like the expense
of management to the joint tenants of a great estate,
who are all obliged to contribute in proportion to
their respective interests in the estate. In the
observation or neglect of this maxim consists what is
called the equality or inequality of taxation."
In changing this Mr. George says
("Progress and Poverty," book viii, ch. iii, subd.
4): "Adam Smith speaks of incomes as enjoyed
'under the protection of the state'; and this is the
ground upon which the equal taxation of all species of
property is commonly insisted upon — that it is
equally protected by the state. The basis of this idea
is evidently that the enjoyment of property is made
possible by the state — that there is a value
created and maintained by the community; which is
justly called upon to meet community expenses. Now, of
what values is this true? Only of the value of land.
This is a value that does not arise until a community
is formed, and that, unlike other values, grows with
the growth of the community. It only exists as the
community exists. Scatter again the largest community,
and land, now so valuable, would have no value at all.
With every increase of population the value of land
rises; with every decrease it falls. This is true of
nothing else save of things which, like the ownership
of land, are in their nature monopolies."
Adam Smith's third maxim refers only to
conveniency of payment, and gives countenance to
indirect taxation, which is in conflict with the
principle of his fourth maxim. Mr. George properly
excludes it.
a. Interference with Production
Indirect taxes tend to check production and cause
scarcity, by obstructing the processes of production.
They fall upon men as they work, as
they do business, as they invest capital
productively. 24 But the single tax, which must be paid
and be the same in amount regardless of whether the payer
works or plays, of whether he invests his capital
productively or wastes it, of whether he uses his land
for the most productive purposes 25 or in lesser degree
or not at all, removes fiscal penalties from industry and
thrift, and tends to leave production free. It therefore
conforms more closely than indirect taxation to the first
maxim quoted above.
24. "Taxation which falls upon the
processes of production interposes an artificial
obstacle to the creation of wealth. Taxation which
falls upon labor as it is exerted, wealth as it is used
as capital, land as it is cultivated, will manifestly
tend to discourage production much more powerfully than
taxation to the same amount levied upon laborers
whether they work or play, upon wealth whether used
productively or unproductively, or upon land whether
cultivated or left waste" — Progress and
Poverty, book viii, ch. iii, subd. I.
25. It is common, besides taxing
improvements, as fast as they are made, to levy higher
taxes upon land when put to its best use than when put
to partial use or to no use at all. This is upon the
theory that when his land is used the owner gets full
income from it and can afford to pay high taxes; but
that he gets little or no income when the land is out
of use, and so cannot afford to pay much. It is an
absurd but perfectly legitimate illustration of the
pretentious doctrine of taxation according to ability
to pay.
Examples are numerous. Improved building
lots, and even those that are only plotted for
improvement, are usually taxed more than contiguous
unused and unplotted land which is equally in demand
for building purposes and equally valuable. So coal
land, iron land, oil land, and sugar land are as a rule
taxed less as land when opened up for appropriate use
than when lying idle or put to inferior uses, though
the land value be the same. Any serious proposal to put
land to its appropriate use is commonly regarded as a
signal for increasing the tax upon it. ...
d. Effect of Confiscating Rent to Private
Use.
By giving Rent to individuals society ignores this
most just law, 99 thereby creating social disorder and
inviting social disease. Upon society alone, therefore,
and not upon divine Providence which has provided
bountifully, nor upon the disinherited poor, rests the
responsibility for poverty and fear of poverty.
99. "Whatever dispute arouses the
passions of men, the conflict is sure to rage, not so
much as to the question 'Is it wise?' as to the
question 'Is it right?'
"This tendency of popular discussions to
take an ethical form has a cause. It springs from a law
of the human mind; it rests upon a vague and
instinctive recognition of what is probably the deepest
truth we can grasp. That alone is wise which is just;
that alone is enduring which is right. In the narrow
scale of individual actions and individual life this
truth may be often obscured, but in the wider field of
national life it everywhere stands out.
"I bow to this arbitrament, and accept
this test." — Progress and Poverty, book vii, ch.
i.
The reader who has been deceived into
believing that Mr. George's proposition is in any
respect unjust, will find profit in a perusal of the
entire chapter from which the foregoing extract is
taken.
Let us try to trace the connection by means of a
chart, beginning with the white spaces on page 68. As
before, the first-comers take possession of the best
land. But instead of leaving for others what they do not
themselves need for use, as in the previous
illustrations, they appropriate the whole space, using
only part, but claiming ownership of the rest. We may
distinguish the used part with red color, and that which
is appropriated without use with blue. Thus: [chart]
But what motive is there for appropriating more of the
space than is used? Simply that the appropriators may
secure the pecuniary benefit of future social growth.
What will enable them to secure that? Our system of
confiscating Rent from the community that earns it, and
giving it to land-owners who, as such, earn
nothing.100
100. It is reported from Iowa that a few
years ago a workman in that State saw a meteorite fall,
and. securing possession of it after much digging, he
was offered $105 by a college for his "find." But the
owner of the land on which the meteorite fell claimed
the money, and the two went to law about it. After an
appeal to the highest court of the State, it was
finally decided that neither by right of discovery, nor
by right of labor, could the workman have the money,
because the title to the meteorite was in the man who
owned the land upon which it fell.
Observe the effect now upon Rent and Wages. When other
men come, instead of finding half of the best land still
common and free, as in the corresponding chart on page
68, they find all of it owned, and are obliged either to
go upon poorer land or to buy or rent from owners of the
best. How much will they pay for the best? Not more than
1, if they want it for use and not to hold for a higher
price in the future, for that represents the full
difference between its productiveness and the
productiveness of the next best. But if the first-comers,
reasoning that the next best land will soon be scarce and
theirs will then rise in value, refuse to sell or to rent
at that valuation, the newcomers must resort to land of
the second grade, though the best be as yet only partly
used. Consequently land of the first grade commands Rent
before it otherwise would.
As the sellers' price, under these circumstances, is
arbitrary it cannot be stated in the chart; but the
buyers' price is limited by the superiority of the best
land over that which can be had for nothing, and the
chart may be made to show it: [chart]
And now, owing to the success of the appropriators of
the best land in securing more than their fellows for the
same expenditure of labor force, a rush is made for
unappropriated land. It is not to use it that it is
wanted, but to enable its appropriators to put Rent into
their own pockets as soon as growing demand for land
makes it valuable.101 We may, for illustration, suppose
that all the remainder of the second space and the whole
of the third are thus appropriated, and note the effect:
[chart]
At this point Rent does not increase nor Wages fall,
because there is no increased demand for land for use.
The holding of inferior land for higher prices, when
demand for use is at a standstill, is like owning lots in
the moon — entertaining, perhaps, but not
profitable. But let more land be needed for use, and
matters promptly assume a different appearance. The new
labor must either go to the space that yields but 1, or
buy or rent from owners of better grades, or hire out.
The effect would be the same in any case. Nobody for the
given expenditure of labor force would get more than 1;
the surplus of products would go to landowners as Rent,
either directly in rent payments, or indirectly through
lower Wages. Thus: [chart]
101. The text speaks of Rent only as a
periodical or continuous payment — what would be
called "ground rent." But actual or potential Rent may
always be, and frequently is, capitalized for the
purpose of selling the right to enjoy it, and it is to
selling value that we usually refer when dealing in
land.
Land which has the power of yielding Rent
to its owner will have a selling value, whether it be
used or not, and whether Rent is actually derived from
it or not. This selling value will be the
capitalization of its present or prospective power of
producing Rent. In fact, much the larger proportion of
laud that has a selling value is wholly or partly
unused, producing no Rent at all, or less than it would
if fully used. This condition is expressed in the chart
by the blue color.
"The capitalized value of land is the
actuarial 'discounted' value of all the net incomes
which it is likely to afford, allowance being made on
the one hand for all incidental expenses, including
those of collecting the rents, and on the other for its
mineral wealth, its capabilities of development for any
kind of business, and its advantages, material, social,
and aesthetic, for the purposes of residence." —
Marshall's Prin., book vi, ch. ix, sec. 9.
"The value of land is commonly expressed
as a certain number of times the current money rental,
or in other words, a certain 'number of years'
purchase' of that rental; and other things being equal,
it will be the higher the more important these direct
gratifications are, as well as the greater the chance
that they and the money income afforded by the land
will rise." — Id., note.
"Value . . . means not utility, not any
quality inhering in the thing itself, but a quality
which gives to the possession of a thing the power of
obtaining other things, in return for it or for its
use. . . Value in this sense — the usual sense
— is purely relative. It exists from and is
measured by the power of obtaining things for things by
exchanging them. . . Utility is necessary to value, for
nothing can be valuable unless it has the quality of
gratifying some physical or mental desire of man,
though it be but a fancy or whim. But utility of itself
does not give value. . . If we ask ourselves the reason
of . . . variations in . . . value . . . we see that
things having some form of utility or desirability, are
valuable or not valuable, as they are hard or easy to
get. And if we ask further, we may see that with most
of the things that have value this difficulty or ease
of getting them, which determines value, depends on the
amount of labor which must be expended in producing
them ; i.e., bringing them into the place, form and
condition in which they are desired. . . Value is
simply an expression of the labor required for the
production of such a thing. But there are some things
as to which this is not so clear. Land is not produced
by labor, yet land, irrespective of any improvements
that labor has made on it, often has value. . . Yet a
little examination will show that such facts are but
exemplifications of the general principle, just as the
rise of a balloon and the fall of a stone both
exemplify the universal law of gravitation. . . The
value of everything produced by labor, from a pound of
chalk or a paper of pins to the elaborate structure and
appurtenances of a first-class ocean steamer, is
resolvable on analysis into an equivalent of the labor
required to produce such a thing in form and place;
while the value of things not produced by labor, but
nevertheless susceptible of ownership, is in the same
way resolvable into an equivalent of the labor which
the ownership of such a thing enables the owner to
obtain or save." —
Perplexed Philosopher, ch. v.
The figure 1 in parenthesis, as an item of Rent,
indicates potential Rent. Labor would give that much for
the privilege of using the space, but the owners hold out
for better terms; therefore neither Rent nor Wages is
actually produced, though but for this both might be.
In this chart, notwithstanding that but little space
is used, indicated with red, Wages are reduced to the
same low point by the mere appropriation of space,
indicated with blue, that they would reach if all the
space above the poorest were fully used. It thereby
appears that under a system which confiscates Rent to
private uses, the demand for land for speculative
purposes becomes so great that Wages fall to a minimum
long before they would if land were appropriated only for
use.
In illustrating the effect of confiscating Rent to
private use we have as yet ignored the element of social
growth. Let us now assume as before (page 73), that
social growth increases the productive power of the given
expenditure of labor force to 100 when applied to the
best land, 50 when applied to the next best, 10 to the
next, 3 to the next, and 1 to the poorest. Labor would
not be benefited now, as it appeared to be when on page
73 we illustrated the appropriation of land for use only,
although much less land is actually used. The prizes
which expectation of future social growth dangles before
men as the rewards of owning land, would raise demand so
as to make it more than ever difficult to get land. All
of the fourth grade would be taken up in expectation of
future demand; and "surplus labor" would be crowded out
to the open space that originally yielded nothing, but
which in consequence of increased labor power now yields
as much as the poorest closed space originally yielded,
namely, 1 to the given expenditure of labor force.102
Wages would then be reduced to the present productiveness
of the open space. Thus: [chart]
102. The paradise to which the youth of
our country have so long been directed in the advice,
"Go West, young man, go West," is truthfully described
in "Progress and Poverty," book iv, ch. iv, as follows
:
"The man who sets out from the eastern
seaboard in search of the margin of cultivation,
where he may obtain land without paying rent, must,
like the man who swam the river to get a drink, pass
for long distances through half-titled farms, and
traverse vast areas of virgin soil, before he reaches
the point where land can be had free of rent —
i.e., by homestead entry or preemption."
If we assume that 1 for the given expenditure of labor
force is the least that labor can take while exerting the
same force, the downward movement of Wages will be here
held in equilibrium. They cannot fall below 1; but
neither can they rise above it, no matter how much
productive power may increase, so long as it pays to hold
land for higher values. Some laborers would continually
be pushed back to land which increased productive power
would have brought up in productiveness from 0 to 1, and
by perpetual competition for work would so regulate the
labor market that the given expenditure of labor force,
however much it produced, could nowhere secure more than
1 in Wages.103 And this tendency would persist until some
labor was forced upon land which, despite increase in
productive power, would not yield the accustomed living
without increase of labor force. Competition for work
would then compel all laborers to increase their
expenditure of labor force, and to do it over and over
again as progress went on and lower and lower grades of
land were monopolized, until human endurance could go no
further.104 Either that, or they would be obliged to
adapt themselves to a lower scale of living.105
103. Henry Fawcett, in his work on
"Political Economy," book ii, ch. iii, observes with
reference to improvements in agricultural implements
which diminish the expense of cultivation, that they do
not increase the profits of the farmer or the wages of
his laborers, but that "the landlord will receive in
addition to the rent already paid to him, all that is
saved in the expense of cultivation." This is true not
alone of improvements in agriculture, but also of
improvements in all other branches of industry.
104. "The cause which limits speculation
in commodities, the tendency of increasing price to
draw forth additional supplies, cannot limit the
speculative advance in land values, as land is a fixed
quantity, which human agency can neither increase nor
diminish; but there is nevertheless a limit to the
price of land, in the minimum required by labor and
capital as the condition of engaging in production. If
it were possible to continuously reduce wages until
zero were reached, it would be possible to continuously
increase rent until it swallowed up the whole produce.
But as wages cannot be permanently reduced below the
point at which laborers will consent to work and
reproduce, nor interest below the point at which
capital will be devoted to production, there is a limit
which restrains the speculative advance of rent. Hence,
speculation cannot have the same scope to advance rent
in countries where wages and interest are already near
the minimum, as in countries where they are
considerably above it. Yet that there is in all
progressive countries a constant tendency in the
speculative advance of rent to overpass the limit where
production would cease, is, I think, shown by recurring
seasons of industrial paralysis." — Progress and
Poverty, book iv, ch. iv.
105. As Puck once put it, "the man who
makes two blades of grass to grow where but one grew
before, must not be surprised when ordered to 'keep off
the grass.' "
They in fact do both, and the incidental disturbances
of general readjustment are what we call "hard times."
106 These culminate in forcing unused land into the
market, thereby reducing Rent and reviving industry. Thus
increase of labor force, a lowering of the scale of
living, and depression of Rent, co-operate to bring on
what we call "good times." But no sooner do "good times"
return than renewed demands for land set in, Rent rises
again, Wages fall again, and "hard times" duly reappear.
The end of every period of "hard times" finds Rent higher
and Wages lower than at the end of the previous
period.107
106. "That a speculative advance in rent
or land values invariably precedes each of these
seasons of industrial depression is everywhere clear.
That they bear to each other the relation of cause and
effect, is obvious to whoever considers the necessary
relation between land and labor." — Progress and
Poverty, book v, ch. i.
107. What are called "good times" reach a
point at which an upward land market sets in. From that
point there is a downward tendency of wages (or a rise
in the cost of living, which is the same thing) in all
departments of labor and with all grades of laborers.
This tendency continues until the fictitious values of
land give way. So long as the tendency is felt only by
that class which is hired for wages, it is poverty
merely; when the same tendency is felt by the class of
labor that is distinguished as "the business interests
of the country," it is "hard times." And "hard times"
are periodical because land values, by falling, allow
"good times" to set it, and by rising with "good times"
bring "hard times" on again. The effect of "hard times"
may be overcome, without much, if any, fall in land
values, by sufficient increase in productive power to
overtake the fictitious value of land.
The dishonest and disorderly system under which
society confiscates Rent from common to individual uses,
produces this result. That maladjustment is the
fundamental cause of poverty. And progress, so long as
the maladjustment continues, instead of tending to remove
poverty as naturally it should, actually generates and
intensifies it. Poverty persists with increase of
productive power because land values, when Rent is
privately appropriated, tend to even greater increase.
There can be but one outcome if this continues: for
individuals suffering and degradation, and for society
destruction. ... read
the book
Jeff Smith: What
the Left Must Do: Share the Surplus
What would you do if you could work two days and
take five off? Write? Play soccer? Tend to the community
garden? Time off is an option made increasingly viable by
our relentlessly rising rate of productivity. French
Marxist and media critic Jean Baudrillard, while still
advancing the interests of labor, implores the Left to
move on from seeing humans as workers to seeing workers
as human beings, with more needs than merely the
material. Enabling people to live their
lives more fully is an issue made to order for
rescuing the Left from the doldrums that descended when
“history ended.”
What would single mothers do with enough income to
stay home? What would minorities do with the wherewithal
to begin their own businesses? What would communities do
if they did not leak resources up to an upper class and
out to a distant lender or tax collector? What would the
elite do without our commonwealth? The means to these
ends is an extra income apart from labor or capital
(savings), that is, a “social salary” from
society’s surplus, a “Citizens
Dividend” from all the rents, natural and
governmental, that people pay for land and to the
privileged, redirected to everyone equally. Merely
demanding a fair sharing of the bounty from nature and
modern society would raise people’s self-esteem, a
key component for political involvement. Actually
receiving an income supplement would transform our lives
and restructure society.
Unless humanity needs militarism, corporate
welfare, and debt service, it’s fair to say most
public revenue gets wasted. Demanding a dividend –
similar to Alaska paying residents a share from oil
royalties – forces a new dialog on spending
priorities. Beyond arguing “bread not bombs,”
a dividend replaces expenditures by politicians
(necessarily influenced by donors) with spending by
citizens, the people who generate the surplus in the
first place. With a dividend, citizens get to see
themselves as direct beneficiaries from reigning in the
wild spending spree on imperial aggression, disloyal
multinationals, and on “borrowing” money that
never existed until “lent” by the Federal
Reserve. ...
To deliver a bigger pie, the
Right touts efficiency and growth; to better distribute
the pie, the Left urges equity and jobs. Yet jobs are
less for distributing, more for producing – if
that. As automation and globalisation expand the pie,
they contract the workforce. Even when, or especially when, people take time off to go
to war, output increases, proving we’re well over
over-capacity. Juliet Schor in
her Overworked American
notes this rise in productivity does not bless us with leisure
but curses us with unemployment.
However, even when employment is high, jobs still
do a lousy job of distribution. They capture less than a
fair return to labor while swallowing up our free time.
Full employment with a liveable wage may mean jobs with
justice for some, but not for those unable to work, and
it reduces humans to workers, not players or
creators.
Demanding jobs rather than a fair
share of society’s surplus implies that there is no
commonwealth or that expropriating it by a few is OK.
Neither is true. Rents are real, and they are
ours. There is a free lunch (just ask the privileged), as
those downing it do get money for nothing. And since
society, not lone owners, generates these values, that
flow of funds belongs to everyone. ...
Read the whole
article
Bill Batt: The Nexus of
Transportation, Economic Rent, and Land Use
This means that taxing away land rent more
relieves it from circulating through labor and capital,
allowing those factors in turn to be more productive.
Significantly, perhaps most importantly, the collection
of land rent, on account of its inelasticity, incurs no
deadweight loss like tax levies on labor and capital. The
economy thus functions more efficiently -- i.e. with less
drag and friction.
Lest one believe that this excess burden, or
so-called deadweight loss, is a negligible drag on the
economy, studies show just the opposite. One study
calculates that it was equal to about 20 percent of the
total US economy in the mid-1990s, annually at least one
trillion dollars in lost output.(23) Put another way, a well
designed efficient revenue structure would allow
productivity to rise by that amount and effectively make
our income that much higher. For Great Britain, the
comparable figure was shown to be £400 billion
annually.
Deadweight loss is a concept understood by
economists but not by the general public. But this is
likely to change as discussion about the merit of various
taxation approaches is presented to the public. Nations
in the European Community are now required to publish
their calculations about the deadweight loss of the
various tax schemes being reviewed, precisely because of
the recognition of its importance as a factor of
production.(24)
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