Ecosystem Services
Are some of us more entitled to benefit from ecosystem
services than others? Is it right for some of us to
charge others to access to those benefits? Are we
entitled to take for our generation non-renewable
resources that future generations may also need?
Bill Batt: The
Compatibility of Georgist Economics and Ecological
Economics
Lastly, one must appreciate that the market value
of “land” of every sort is entirely rent, as
there is no human factor of labor that accounts for its
origination. Services of nature have no
prior cost to bring them into production existence
— the electromagnetic spectrum, for example, exists
regardless of human presence on earth and so presumably
does time. Ocean fish, fossil fuels, and heavy metals are
all found in nature, not the result of human creation.
They are, in 19th century classical economics, the fruits
not of man’s labor but of God’s. And
it is to God, or at least to God’s representative
on earth — the lords and kings — that rent
was owed, just as much as it was their role to provide
reciprocal services to the tenants of the land. That
bargain, so well refined in feudal economic arrangements,
was an equilibrium balance, disrupted, one might say, by
the annulment of rent collection and the exploitation of
land without recognition of its price. The practice
effectively ended with what in Britain is known as the
“enclosure movement” of the early Tudor
reign, driving the peasants off the land into cities to
provide cheap labor for the early English
industrialists.28
But the theory continued long afterwards. Georgists today
argue that land rent should be collected from
titleholders so that it is not left to render economic
distortions. This in turn affects the price of labor and
the price of money. Government’s role, whatever
else it does, is at the very least responsible for
defending the commons, to ascertain titles and to collect
rent. Although there are many differences about the
proper role, scope and domain of government among
Georgist adherents, the collection of rent and the
supervision of open markets is central to its tenets.
...
So also in the case of the auctioning of
“pollution credits” or tradeable permits,
what in fact constitute the right of power industries to
treat the air as a dump to the full extent which
environmental tolerances allow.45 These “credits” are
now “owned” by the private sector and traded
back and forth among corporations, even though all people
experience the consequences of its treatment. Airport
landing slots, “prime time” broadcasting, and
many other time-sensitive dimensions have all been handed
over to the private sector with nominal benefit to the
public. London Mayor Ken Livingstone has been a strong
supporter of renting the landing slots at Heathrow and
Gatwick Airports, and is at this very time exploring a
rent recovery scheme to pay for the upgrade of components
of the Jubilee tube line.46...
A Georgist agenda also calls for the regular
auctioning of mineral extraction rights, fishing rights,
and other access to natural resources in a way that their
rent is returned fully and fairly to the public
weal.73Alanna Hartzok has offered
compelling arguments why rent from locational sites
should be reserved to finance the services of local
governments, rent from natural resources identifiable
within a nation’s boundaries should be captured to
finance national governments, and rents of those
resources beyond national borders should be used to
finance world governments.74
Pricing resources of nature at their marginal
rates is a clearly understood economic principle. To do
otherwise fosters extravagant and wasteful use of such,
or leads to inefficient use of their locations. Hence
both a moral reason — the unjust windfall gain that
otherwise befalls such monopoly titles — and an
economic reason — efficiency — call for such
practices. It is the compelling impetus of politics and
not economic rationality that frustrates the
implementation of such designs. With the advent of
greater and more accurate data, as well as the increased
power of computer analysis, there is every reason to
argue for and anticipate the collection of economic rent
from every source where it arises.
...
A central premise of ecological economics is a
recognition that market prices do not reflect the value
of commodities, particularly the resources and services
of nature. Oscar Wilde first noted that a cynic was
“a man who knows the price of everything and the
value of nothing.” 83 But it is clearly not only cynics
who hold such ideas today. The growing
“commodification” of all things — the
consequence of a gradual and inexorable privatization of
the whole world and the ever expanding attempts to
include everything which humans touch in a market
economy, where objects and services which lack a market
price are thus treated as free goods — means either
that ultimately everything must be priced or else that
other means must be found by which to identify value. The
subfield of environmental economics is based on just this
view — that everything must be priced. To be sure, we cannot live without the natural
environment, yet treatment of natural goods and services
as free under the neoclassical economics framework leads
inevitably to their total consumption and
destruction.84 The looming exhaustion of natural
resources compels us to recognize that market prices have
limited worth in signaling true value, whether those
resources be the biota of the world upon which human
beings also depend for their existence or mineral wealth
in the form of fossil fuel energy which drives modern
economies. If we do try in any way to price the goods and
services provided by the environment, they are so far
beyond counting that it becomes self-evident that our
economic approach must change.85
...
The heart of ecological economics is ecological
carrying capacity and the premise of economic
sustainability. Although this term has to some extent
become a mantra and widely abused, its most popular
definition remains that first enunciated by the 1987
Brundtland Commission Report: "development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to
meet their own needs."92 Principle 3 of the 1992 UNCED Rio
Declaration: "The right to development
must be fulfilled so as to equitably meet developmental
and environmental needs of present and future
generations."93 At various times scholars have
sought to improve upon this definition; one offered by
adherents of the ecological economics school reads as
follows:
Competitively assessed royalties especially on the
extraction of mineral capital could yield billions of
dollars.
1. For renewable resources (fish, trees, etc.),
the rate of harvest should not exceed the rate of
regeneration.
2. The rate at which we allow economic activity to
generate wastes that must be passed into the environment
should not be allowed to exceed the environment’s
ability to absorb them.
3. The depletion of nonrenewable resources (oil,
coal, etc.) should not be offset by investment in and
development of renewable substitutes for
them.94
...
Living within the laws of nature would seem to be
axiomatic in the development of any ethical system, and
it is a mark of degree that our ethics have so ignored
such realities that a corrective is called for. Only in
1967 Professor Lynn White noted in a now famous article
how much the Judeo-Christian tradition has been used to
explain and justify practices of exploitation and
domination of our natural environment.99Sand County
Almanac, a work only published in
1949!100
Ecological economists accept this so
much as given — that human beings are of the earth and its bio-system rather than
on the earth to dominate it— that further
refinement of this basic orientation is almost beside the
point. This was simply prudent care and planning to
Leopold; he fully recognized our total dependence upon
nature.
Not only are human beings co-equal with other
living beings of the earth, so also are beings yet born
entitled to an existence. The Iroquois Indians of New
York State are often quoted to the effect that “In
our every deliberation, we should consider the impact of
our decisions on the next seven generations.”
101 Several
contemporary environmental organizations have adopted the
Iroquois “Great Law of Peace” so that it has
become the vernacular equivalent of the Brundtland
Report’s definition of sustainability. Sustainable
economics, or 7th generation planning, also requires
Daly’s “steady state” economy,
102 where (as if
natural resources constitute “capital”) one
lives only on interest and not principle. Daly contrasts
two notions of economic practice: growth and development.
The former may momentarily increase economic productivity
and wealth, but is in the long term a fatal course of
policy. It increases quantity but not quality.
Development, rather, is what should be aspired to, an
increase in quality, efficiency, and fulfillment through
minimal uses of energy and material resources. For
development, the value-added dimension comes from
treading lightly on the earth, from the use of mental
capital rather than physical capital.103 Daly in still another article
talks about three parameters of sustainability:
“allocation, distribution, and scale,” which
will lead to an economy which is “efficient, just
and sustainable.” 104
One exponent of ecological economics suggests five
axioms to measure the degree of “ecosystem
health:” 105
Mistaken or not, this view of man’s place in nature
is generally accepted as conventional wisdom throughout
western culture. The ecology movement constitutes a
revolutionary and very unsettling outlook to this
prevailing view, a radical shift in thinking from even
mainstream environmentalism and conservation ethics half
a century ago. In this view other species, both plants
and animals, are as much entitled to life and well being
as is homo sapiens. Theodore Roosevelt a century ago
could never have subscribed to the views of contemporary
environmental ethicists, as much of a conservationist as
he was. The earliest clear manifestation of modern
thinking at least in western thought appears to be Aldo
Leopold’s
- The Axiom of Dynamism:
Nature is more profoundly a set of processes than a
collection of objects; all is in flux. Ecosystems develop
and age over time.
- The Axiom of Relatedness: All processes are related to all
other processes.
- The Axiom of Hierarchy: Processes are not related equally
but unfold in systems within systems, differing mainly
along the temporal and spatial scale on which they are
organized.
- The Axiom of Creativity: The autonomous processes of
nature are creative and represent the basis for all
biologically based productivity. The vehicle of that
creativity is energy flowing through systems which in
turn find stable contexts in larger systems, which
provide sufficient stability to allow self-organization
within them through repetition and
duplication.
- The Axiom of Differential
Fragility: Ecological systems, which form the
context of all human activities, vary in the extent to
which they can absorb and equilibrate human-caused
disruptions in their autonomous processes.
Elsewhere ecosystems are measured
according to their relative health, a metaphor
deliberately taken from the field of medicine. What
constitutes ecosystem health is still very much an open
discussion, but it has been defined in terms such as
integrity,106 diversity,
stability and resiliency.107 These are all concepts which
presume a level of depth, span and integration, and see
the living environment not as things and instruments, but
rather as elements of interdependent processes requiring
respect, sometimes even management. It often also
presumes respect for the environment not just for
instrumental reasons but for aesthetic and moral reasons.
The reality of ecological economics entails valuation of
nature according to criteria beyond just market value.
After all, this nature is a central part of the
“commons” or “natural
capital.” ...
read the
whole article
Mason Gaffney: Economics in Support of
Environmentalism
Economics in support of environmentalism" - is that an
oxymoron? There are economists who put down
environmentalists as unwelcome intruders in social
policy; there are environmentalists who file economists
under "The Great Satan." Some economists deserve it. I
will show how these differences arise, and how we may
compose them.
I. Worthy goals often
conflict with each other A. Corn vs. Barley B. New rules C.
Unresolved conflicts D. Danger of isolation
through overkill
II. The Dereliction of Economists A.
Defining away land B. Private property: from means to
end C. Leapfrogging, floating value, and compensation
D. Siege mentalities
III. Gifford Pinchot's Winning
Formula A. Defining "Conservation" B. Finding common
ground
IV. Pinchot on "Development"
V. Urban Sprawl A. Development is not
identical with Sprawl B. Sprawl is not a quest
for open space C. Sprawl is not the product of
free choice D. Looking for Mr.
Goodbar E. The public pays twice F.
Proactive solutions
VI. Dig deep
Frank Stilwell and Kirrily Jordan: The Political Economy of Land:
Putting Henry George in His Place
Land is the most basic of all economic resources,
fundamental to the form that economic development takes.
Its use for agricultural purposes is integral to the
production of the means of our subsistence. Its use in an
urban context is crucial in shaping how effectively
cities function and who gets the principal benefits from
urban economic growth. Its ownership is a major
determinant of the degree of economic inequality: surges
of land prices, such as have occurred in Australian
cities during the last decade, cause major
redistributions of wealth. In both an urban and
rural context the use of land – and nature more
generally – is central to the possibility of
ecological sustainability. Contemporary social concerns
about problems of housing affordability and environmental
quality necessarily focus our attention on ‘the
land question.’ ... read the whole
article
Weld Carter: A
Clarion Call to Sanity, to Honesty, to Justice
Our problem today, as yesterday, and the days before,
back to the earliest recorded times, is POVERTY.
There are times when this problem is lesser. We call
these "booms." There are also times when the problem is
greatly exacerbated. These are called "busts." But, as
the Bible says, "the poor have ye always with ye."
The purpose of this paper is to explore the core of
the problem. It is not the position that there is only
one single error afoot in our social organizations. There
may be several, there may be only a few things to remedy.
The position is, as stated earlier, that there is one
basic cause of the problem. Therefore, the removal of
this one basic error is the first, the primary step, for
the simple reason that, until this basic social evil is
eradicated, no other reform will avail. We will simply
continue the boom and bust cycles until the economies of
the whole world are wrecked by inflation or by a nuclear
war triggered by the ongoing economic disaster.
Let us begin this study of the likely causes of our
troubles by asking two questions:
- Are we over-populated?
- Are the earth's resources inadequate for this
population?
Our stage, of course, for making this study will be
this world of ours, for it is upon this world that the
drama of human living is played out, with all its joys
and all its sorrows, with all its great achievements and
all its failures, with all its nobilities and all its
wickedness.
Regardless of its size relative to other planets, with
its circumference of about twenty-five thousand miles, to
any mere mortal who must walk to the station and back
each day, it is huge. Roughly ninety-six million miles
separate the sun from the earth on the latter's eliptical
journey around the sun. At this distance, the earth makes
its annual journey in its elliptical curve and it spins
on its own canted axis. Because of this cant, the sun's
rays are distributed far more evenly, thus minimizing
their damage and maximizing their benefits.
Consider the complementarity of nature in the
case of the two forms of life we call vegetable and
animal, in their respective uses of the two gases, oxygen
and carbon dioxide, the waste product of each serving as
the life-giving force of the other. Any increase in the
one will encourage a like response in the
other.
Marvel at the manner in which nature, with no
help from man or beast, delivers pure water to the
highest lands, increasing it as to their elevation, thus
affording us a free ride downstream and free power as we
desire it. Look with awe at the variety and quantity of
minerals with which this world is blessed, and finally at
the fecundity nature has bestowed so lavishly throughout
both animal and vegetable life: Take note of the number
of corn kernels from a single stalk that can be grown
next year from a single kernel of this year's crop; then
think of the vastly greater yields from a single cherry
pit or the seeds of a single apple, or grape or
watermelon; or, turning to the animal world, consider the
hen who averages almost an egg a day and the spawning
fish as examples of the prolificacy that is evident
throughout the whole of the animal world, including
mankind.
If this marvelous earth is as rich in resources as
portrayed in the foregoing paragraph, then the problem
must be one of distribution:
- how is the land distributed among the earth's
inhabitants, and
- how are its products in turn distributed?
Land is universally treated as either public property
or private property. Wars are fought over land. Nowhere
is it treated as common property.
George has described this world as a "well-provisioned
ship" and when one considers the increasingly huge daily
withdrawals of such provisions as coal and petroleum as
have occurred say over the past one hundred years, one
must but agree with this writer. But this is only a
static view. Consider the suggestion of some ten years
ago that it would require the conversion of less than 20%
the of the current annual growth of wood into alcohol to
fuel all the motors then being fueled by the
then-conventional means. The dynamic picture of the
future is indeed awesome, and there is every indication
that that characteristic has the potential of endless
expansion. So how is it that on so richly endowed a
Garden of Eden as this world of ours we have only been
able to make of it a hell on earth for vast numbers of
people?
The answers are simple: we have permitted, nay we have
even more than that, encouraged, the gross misallocation
of resources and a viciously wicked distribution of
wealth, and we choose to be governed by those whom we, in
our ignorance, have elected. ... read the whole
article
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0: Preface (pages ix.-xvi)
I’m a businessman. I believe society should
reward successful initiative with profit. At the same
time, I know that profit-seeking activities have
unhealthy side effects. They cause pollution, waste,
inequality, anxiety, and no small amount of confusion
about the purpose of life.
I’m also a liberal, in the sense that I’m
not averse to a role for government in society. Yet
history has convinced me that representative government
can’t adequately protect the interests of ordinary
citizens. Even less can it protect the interests of
future generations, ecosystems, and
nonhuman species. The reason is that most — though
not all — of the time, government puts the
interests of private corporations first. This is a
systemic problem of a capitalist democracy, not just a
matter of electing new leaders.
If you identify with the preceding sentiments, then
you might be confused and demoralized, as I have been
lately. If capitalism as we know it is deeply flawed, and
government is no savior, where lies hope? This strikes me
as one of the great dilemmas of our time. For years the
Right has been saying — nay, shouting — that
government is flawed and that only privatization,
deregulation, and tax cuts can save us. For just as long,
the Left has been insisting that markets are flawed and
that only government can save us. The trouble is that
both sides are half-right and half-wrong. They’re
both right that markets and state are flawed, and both
wrong that salvation lies in either sphere. But if
that’s the case, what are we to do? Is there,
perhaps, a missing set of institutions that can help us?
...
Part 2 proposes a number of new property rights,
birthrights, and institutions that would enlarge the
commons sector in one way or another. I like to think
that these proposals blend hope and realism. Among them
are:
- A series of ecosystem trusts
that protect air, water, forests and habitat;
- A mutual fund that pays dividends to all
Americans — one person, one share;
- A trust fund that provides start-up capital to
every child;
- A risk-sharing pool for health care that covers
everyone;
- A national fund based on copyright fees that
supports local arts;
- A limit on the amount of advertising. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 1: Time to Upgrade (pages
3-14)
Consider also what scientists call biodiversity. The
earth is a tiny island of life in a cold, dark universe.
We humans share this magical island with millions of
other species, most of whom we haven’t met. Each of
these species fills a niche and contributes to the web of
life. Yet little by little, we’re pushing the
others out of their living spaces. The result is a wave
of extinctions comparable to that which wiped out the
dinosaurs sixty-five million years ago. The difference is
that, while the dinosaurs’ extinction was triggered
by a freak event, the current extinctions are being
caused by our everyday activities.
And it’s not just other species we’re
endangering. As anthropologists Jared Diamond and Ronald
Wright recently reminded us, past human civilizations
(Sumer, Rome, the Maya, Easter Island) did on a smaller
scale what our own economic system seems bent on doing
planet-wide: they destroyed their resource bases and
crashed. The pattern is hauntingly familiar. First, the
civilization finds a formula — agriculture,
irrigation, fishing, capitalism — for extracting
value from ecosystems. Because the formula works so well,
the civilization’s leaders become blindly attached
to it. Eventually, the key resources on which the formula
depends become depleted and the inflexible civilization
collapses like a house of cards. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 2: A Short History of
Capitalism (pages 15-32)
Similarly, in the early capitalist era, land,
resources, and places to dump wastes were abundant;
aggregated capital was the scarcest factor. That’s
why rules and practices developed that put capital above
all else. In the twenty-first century, however, this is
no longer the case. As economist Joshua Farley has noted,
“If we want more fish on our dinner plates, the
scarce factor isn’t fishing boats, it’s fish.
If we want more timber, the scarce factor isn’t
sawmills, it’s trees.”
As a businessman and investor, I’ve benefited
personally from the primacy of capital and am not keen to
end it. But as a citizen, I have to recognize that times
have changed. The world is awash with capital, most of it
devoted to speculation. By contrast, healthy ecosystems
are increasingly scarce. If anything deserves priority,
it’s nature’s capital, yet capitalism rolls
on with financial capital as its king. ...
DESTRUCTION OF NATURE
Humans began ravaging nature long before capitalism
was a gleam in Adam Smith’s eye. Surplus
capitalism, however, has exponentially enlarged the scale
of that ravaging.
I promised no grim numbers, but I’ll cite just
one. In 2005, a United Nations–sponsored research
team reported that roughly 60 percent of the ecosystems
that support life on earth are being used unsustainably.
Such overuse, reported the Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment, increases the likelihood that abrupt,
nonlinear changes will seriously affect human well-being.
The potential consequences include floods, droughts, heat
waves, fishery collapse, dead zones along coasts, sea
level rises, and new diseases.
Thoughtful people can debate whether population or
technology is more responsible than capitalism for our
loss of ecosystems and biodiversity. No doubt all play a
role. But most of the damage isn’t done by the
numerous poor; it’s done by the far fewer rich. The
United States, for example, with 5 percent of the
world’s people, has dumped nearly 30 percent of our
species’ cumulative carbon dioxide wastes into the
atmosphere. It’s our excess consumption, rather
than the poor’s meager gleanings, that’s the
larger problem, and surplus capitalism is the handmaiden
of that excess.
Technology, of course, greatly magnifies our impact on
the planet, but technology by itself is mere know-how.
It’s the choice of technologies, and the scale at
which they’re deployed, that affects the planet.
Electricity, for example, can be generated in many ways.
When corporations choose among them, however, their
choice is driven not by “least harm to
nature,” but by “most bang for the
buck.” And, in doing their calculations, they count
the cost of nature as zero. Hence we have lots of
fossil-fuel burning and little use of solar, wind, and
tidal energy.
The same calculus drives corporations’ approach
to agriculture, logging, and many other activities. The
result is at once humbling and chilling: capitalism as we
know it is devouring creation. It’s living off
nature’s capital and calling it growth. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 3: The Limits of Government
(pages 33-48)
There’s even an economic theory explaining this:
Mancur Olson’s logic of collective action. Olson, a
Harvard economist, argued that unless the number of
players in a group is very small, people won’t
combine to pursue their common interests. For example, if
the CEOs of five major airlines decide they want a $500
million government bailout, they pool their resources and
hire a lobbying firm. Together they tell Congress that
without the $500 million, their companies won’t
survive, and the consequences of their collapse will be
dire.
Who lobbies against them? No one. The reason is that,
while the five airlines will gain about $100 million
each, the average taxpayer will lose only $5 each.
It’s thus not worth it for ordinary citizens to get
off their duffs and fight.
On top of this, there’s an even deeper problem.
Democracy responds at best to voters and at worst to
money. Both voters and donors are living humans. Not even
seated at democracy’s table — not organized,
not propertied, and not enfranchised — are future
generations, ecosystems, and nonhuman species. James
Madison and his brethren could scarcely have foreseen
this defect. In their day, politics was about the clash
between living factions, not between living humans and
their heirs, or between our species and the rest of
nature. But that’s no longer the case.
The implications of Adam Smith’s quote at the
beginning of this chapter are thus even graver than he
thought. If government’s inherent bias is toward
property owners, the losers aren’t only the poor.
The losers are also future generations, ecosystems, and
nonhuman species, none of whom own any property at all.
The only positive news here is that the converse might
also be true: if future generations, ecosystems, and
nonhuman species did own property, they might have some
economic and political power. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 4: The Limits of
Privatization (pages 49-63)
It’s tempting to believe that private owners, by
pursuing their own self-interest, can preserve shared
inheritances. No one likes being told what to do, and
words like statism conjure fears of bureaucracy
at best and tyranny at worst. By contrast,
privatism connotes freedom.
In this chapter, we look at Garrett Hardin’s
second alternative for saving the commons: privatism, or
privatization. I argue that private corporations,
operating in unconstrained markets, can allocate
resources efficiently but can’t preserve them. The
latter task requires setting aside some supplies for
future generations — something neither markets nor
corporations, when left to their own devices, will do.
The reason lies in the algorithms and starting conditions
of our current operating system.
The Algorithms of Capitalism 2.0
If you’ve ever used a computer spreadsheet, you
know what an algorithm is. Each cell in the spreadsheet
contains a set of instructions: take data from other
cells, manipulate the data according to a formula, and
display the result. The instructions within each cell are
algorithms.
If you think of the economy as a huge spreadsheet,
with each cell representing a producer, consumer, or
property owner, you can see that the behavior of the
whole is driven by the algorithms in the cells. Our
current operating system is dominated by three algorithms
and one starting condition. The algorithms are:
(1) maximize return to capital,
(2) distribute property income on a per-share basis,
and
(3) the price of nature equals
zero.
The starting condition is that the top 5 percent of the
people own more property shares than the remaining 95
percent.
The first algorithm is what drives corporations. It
tells them to sell as much as they can, pay as little as
possible for labor, resources, and waste disposal, and
make shareholders happy every quarter. It focuses the
minds of managers every day. If they work in marketing,
they wake up thinking about how to sell more; if
there’s no demand for their product, they must
create some. If they work in finance, they worry about
margins and leverage. If they’re in labor
relations, they bargain hard, replace long-term employees
with temps, and shift jobs to places where wages are
lower. All the while, the CEO feeds sweet numbers to Wall
Street.
The second and third algorithms then mesh with the
first. It’s the combination of these algorithms
that causes the wheels of capitalism to devour nature and
widen inequality among humans. At the same time, nothing
in the algorithms requires or encourages corporations,
either individually or collectively, to preserve
anything.
This doesn’t mean people inside corporations
don’t think about protecting nature, raising their
workers’ pay, or giving something back to society.
Often, they do. It does mean their room for actually
doing such things is too narrow to make a difference. Nor
does it mean that, from time to time, some brave
mavericks don’t briefly flout the corporate
algorithm. They do that, too. What I’m saying is
that, in the great majority of cases, the corporate
algorithm and its brethren are obeyed. For all
practical purposes, the publicly traded corporation is a
slave to its algorithm. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 5: Reinventing the Commons
(pages 65-78)
Natural Assets
In 2002, economists Robert Costanza and Paul Sutton
estimated the contribution of ecosystem services to the
U.S. economy at $2 trillion. Ecosystem services represent
the benefits humans derive from natural ecosystems,
including food from wild plants and animals, climate
regulation, waste assimilation, fresh water
replenishment, soil formation, nutrient cycling, flood
control, pollination, raw materials, and more. Using data
from many previous studies, as well as satellite
photography, Costanza and Sutton estimated values for
ecosystems per unit of biome (an acre of rain forest, or
grasslands, or desert, for example). They then multiplied
by the total area of each biome and summed over all
services and biomes.
If $2 trillion represents the yearly contribution of
nature to the U.S. economy, what’s the underlying
value of America’s natural assets? One way to
answer this is to treat yearly ecosystem services as
“earnings” produced by “stocks”of
natural assets.These earnings can then be multiplied by
the average price/earnings ratio of publicly traded
stocks over the last fifty years (16.5/1) to arrive at an
estimated natural asset value of $33 trillion.
This figure is, if anything, an underestimate, because
it ignores a singular aspect of nature: its
irreplaceability. If Corporation X were to go out of
business, its useful contributions to society would
quickly be supplied by another corporation.
If a natural ecosystem were to disappear, however, it
could not so easily be replaced. Thus, an
irreplaceability premium of indeterminate magnitude
should be added to the $33 trillion. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 6: Trusteeship of Creation
(pages 79-100)
A Second Set of Books
Mental models begin with assumptions. Most economists
today assume there are only two kinds of property,
private (that is, corporate or individual) and state.
There are no shared assets, no inter- or
intragenerational obligations, and no nonhumans other
than those we eat.
Yet as we’ve seen, many things are missing here.
The most obvious omission is the great economy of nature
within which the human enterprise operates. We’re
borrowing prodigiously from that economy, but not
recording the loans. Equally absent are future
generations, from whom we’re borrowing just as
wantonly and surreptitiously. In a proper bookkeeping
system, every loan shows up on two balance sheets, the
borrower’s and the lender’s. One
entity’s liability is another entity’s asset.
But this isn’t true in contemporary economics. When
the human economy grows, assets on corporate and
individual balance sheets go up, but nowhere is there a
debit. In fact, there aren’t any accounts that
could be debited. There’s only good growth on one
side of the ledger, and on the other, a void in which
illth and debt accumulate, uncounted and unnoticed.
In recent years, economists have added a few bits to
this stripped-down model. For example, they now recognize
public goods and ecosystem services as contributors of
economic value. Public goods are services like national
defense, education, and flood control, which benefit
everyone but can’t easily be sold at a profit.
Because markets don’t adequately supply them,
governments step in and do so. Economists sometimes
debate whether the value of these public goods exceeds
the “burden” they impose on taxpayers, but
they don’t see the expenditures as adding value to
any account, or to any asset owned by anyone.
Similarly, many economists now recognize ecosystem
services as valuable inputs to the economy. However, the
ecosystems that produce these services have no owners or
balance sheets. They’re just there, floating in
space, with no connection to humans. What I’m
suggesting is that economists treat them as if they were
common property held in trust. This simple supposition
would not only put ecosystems on the books, enabling us
to track them better; it would also pave the way to
real-world property rights that actually protect those
ecosystems. ...
read the whole chapter
Peter Barnes:
Capitalism 3.0 — Chapter 10: What You Can Do (pages
155-166)
This third version of capitalism is a logical
successor to the first two. In Capitalism 1.0 we had a
shortage of goods, in Capitalism 2.0 a surplus. In
Capitalism 3.0 we’ll have plenty, but not too much.
We’ll have more things we truly need —
healthier ecosystems, communities, culture — and
fewer thneeds. We’ll have a proper balance between
our “me” and our “we” sides.
We’ll be more connected and less isolated, more
secure and less stressed. Overall, I’d venture,
we’ll be happier. ...
read the whole chapter
Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George, a themed
collection of excerpts from the writings of Henry
George (with links to sources)
THAT man cannot exhaust or lessen the powers of nature
follows from the indestructibility of matter and the
persistence of force. Production and consumption are only
relative terms. Speaking absolutely, man neither produces
nor consumes. The whole human race, were they to labor to
infinity, could not make this rolling sphere one atom
heavier or one atom lighter, could not add to or diminish
by one iota the sum of the forces whose everlasting
circling produces all motion and sustains all life. As
the water that we take from the ocean must again return
to the ocean, so the food we take from the reservoirs of
nature is, from the moment we take it, on its way back to
those reservoirs. What we draw from a limited extent of
land may temporarily reduce the productiveness of that
land, because the return may be to other land, or may be
divided between that land and other land, or perhaps, all
land ; but this possibility lessens with increasing area,
and ceases when the whole globe is considered. —
Progress & Poverty — Book II, Chapter 3:
Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
LIFE does not use up the forces that maintain life. We
come into the material universe bringing nothing; we take
nothing away when we depart. The human being, physically
considered, is but a transient form of matter, a changing
mode of motion. The matter remains and the force
persists. Nothing is lessened, nothing is weakened. And
from this it follows that the limit to the population of
the globe can only be the limit of space. —
Progress & Poverty — Book II, Chapter 3:
Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
DOES not the fact that all of the things which furnish
man's subsistence have the power to multiply many fold
— some of them many thousand fold, and some of them
many million or even billion fold — while he is
only doubling his numbers, show that, let human beings
increase to the full extent of their reproductive power,
the increase of population can never exceed subsistence?
This is clear when it is remembered that though in the
vegetable and animal kingdoms each species, by virtue of
its reproductive power, naturally and necessarily presses
against the conditions which limit its further increase,
yet these conditions are nowhere fixed and final. No
species reaches the ultimate limit of soil, water, air,
and sunshine; but the actual limit of each is in the
existence of other species, its rivals, its enemies, or
its food. Thus the conditions which limit the existence
of such of these species as afford him subsistence man
can extend (in some cases his mere appearance will extend
them), and thus the reproductive forces of the species
which supply his wants, instead of wasting themselves
against their former limit, start forward in his service
at a pace which his powers of increase cannot rival. If
he but shoot hawks, food-birds will increase: if he but
trap foxes the wild rabbits will multiply; the bumble bee
moves with the pioneer, and on the organic matter with
which man's presence fills the rivers, fishes feed.
— Progress & Poverty — Book II, Chapter
3: Population and Subsistence: Inferences from
Analogy
IF bears instead of men had been shipped from Europe
to the North American continent, there would now be no
more bears than in the time of Columbus, and possibly
fewer, for bear food would not have been increased nor
the conditions of bear life extended, by the bear
immigration, but probably the reverse. But within the
limits of the United States alone, there are now
forty-five millions of men where then there were only a
few hundred thousand, and yet there is now within that
territory much more food per capita for the forty-five
millions than there was then for the few hundred
thousand. It is not the increase of food that has caused
this increase of men; but the increase of men that has
brought about the increase of food. There is more food,
simply because there are more Man. — Progress &
Poverty — Book II, Chapter 3: Population and
Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
TWENTY men working together will, where nature is
niggardly, produce more than twenty times the wealth that
one man can produce where nature is most bountiful. The
denser the population the more minute becomes the
subdivision of labor, the greater the economies of
production and distribution, and, hence, the very reverse
of the Malthusian doctrine is true; and, within the
limits in which we have any reason to suppose increase
would still go on, in any given state of civilization a
greater number of people can produce a larger
proportionate amount of wealth and more fully supply
their wants, than can a smaller number. — Progress
& Poverty — Book II, Chapter 4: Population and
Subsistence: Disproof of the Malthusian Theory ...
go to "Gems from
George"
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