But I'm
not a land monopolist, am I?
It took me a while to understand why landownership is
a monopoly, since millions of us own land (many subject
to a mortgage, but we consider ourselves owners
nonetheless). Land is different from those things
we can produce more of. If we can produce more of
something, supply can respond to demand. But land
is finite in supply. We can't produce another acre
or even a fraction-of-an-acre lot downtown. We all
must rely on what already exists. It is more like
air or water — we all depend on them and we can't
make more.
So is the small landholder a land monopolist? If
so, does this make him/her/it a bad person/entity?
As Churchill put it, we do not seek to punish the
landlord; rather it is the system we must
change.
All of us operate within the existing system, and there
is nothing wrong with trying to succeed within the
existing rules.
70% of us own our own homes, and some of us own more than
one. The 30% of us who don't own a home are
certainly not land monopolists. Those of us who own
homes in places where land has no value — that is,
where no one else happens to want to live or work —
would generally not be regarded as land
monopolists. But most of us live in places where
land has some value.
X% of us own our own businesses (and another Y% aspire
to). The large majority of those businesses are
operated in rented quarters, and on sites which are
probably significantly more valuable than the site on
which the owner lives. So, like those who rent
their homes from another, most of those business owners
are tenants more than they are owners, even those who own
their homes outright.
Consider also the fact that urban land, particularly land
in the Central Business District, is far more valuable
than land on the fringe of that same city. The
difference between urban land and average agricultural
land has been pegged as a factor of 100,000 or
more. Yes — 100,000. An acre of
agricultural land in Vermont might be worth $2500 or
so. A one-acre site in midtown Manhattan sold a few
years ago for $250 million. Were that single
acre owned by a single family, their land value
would be equal to that held by the owners of 100,000
acres — 156 square miles — of Vermont
agricultural land, or 1.7% of the state!
Most of us benefit a bit from the existing system, and
since our homes are our main asset, it might appear that
we are net beneficiaries. But the benefits of replacing
land monopoly capitalism with free market capitalism
would be a lot larger than the loss of land equity that
would begin. Our children and their entire generation
would be able to afford homes. We and our children would
receive wages that better matched our worth, and might be
able to choose whether both parents would work when
children were young. Those who wanted to open their own
business would face fewer barriers to entry. Most of all,
we'd be moving toward being the society we dream of when
we talk about the American dream, with widely shared
prosperity, and no victims.
Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George, a themed
collection of excerpts from the writings of Henry
George (with links to sources)
INNOCENT purchasers of what involves wrong to others!
Is not the phrase absurd? If, in our legal tribunals,
"ignorance of the law excuseth no man," how much less can
it do so in the tribunal of morals — and it is this
to which compensationists appeal.
And innocence can only shield from the punishment due to
conscious wrong; it cannot give right. If you innocently
stand on my toes, you may fairly ask me not to be angry;
but you gain no right to continue to stand on them.
—
A Perplexed Philosopher
(Compensation)
WHEN a man exchanges property of one kind for property of
another kind he gives up the one with all its incidents
and takes in its stead the other with its incidents. He
cannot sell bricks and buy hay, and then complain because
the hay burned when the bricks would not. The greater
liability of the hay to burn is one of the incidents he
accepted in buying it. Nor can he exchange property
having moral sanction for property having only legal
sanction, and claim that the moral sanction of the thing
he sold attaches now to the thing he bought. That has
gone with the thing to the other party in the exchange.
Exchange transfers, it cannot create. Each party
gives up what right he had and takes what right the
other party had. The last holder obtains no moral right
that the first holder did not have. — A Perplexed
Philosopher
(Compensation) ... go to "Gems from
George"
Louis Post: Outlines
of Louis F. Post's Lectures, with Illustrative Notes and
Charts (1894) — Appendix: FAQ
Q62. If the ownership of land is immoral is it not
the duty of individuals who see its immorality to refrain
from profiting by it?
A. No. The immorality is institutional, not individual.
Every member of a community has a right to land and an
interest in the rent of land. Under the single tax both
rights would be conserved. But under existing social
institutions the only way of securing either is to own
land and profit by it. To refrain from doing so would
have no reformatory effect. It is one of the
eccentricities of narrow minds to believe or profess to
believe that institutional wrongs and individual wrongs
are upon the same plane and must be cured in the same way
— by individual reformation. But individuals cannot
change institutions by refraining from profiting by them,
any more than they could dredge a creek by refraining
from swimming in it. Institutional wrongs must be
remedied by institutional reforms. ... read the book
Winston Churchill: The People's
Land
I hope you will understand that when I speak of
the land monopolist I am dealing more with the process
than with the individual landowner. I have no wish to
hold any class up to public disapprobation. I do not
think that the man who makes money by unearned increment
in land is morally a worse man than anyone else who
gathers his profit where he finds it in this hard world
under the law and according to common usage. It is not
the individual I attack, it is the system. It is not the man who is bad, it is the law which is
bad. It is not the man who is blameworthy for
doing what the law allows and what other men do; it is
the State which would be blameworthy were it not to
endeavour to reform the law and correct the practice.
We do not want to punish the landlord.
We want to alter the law.
We do not go back on the
past. Look at our actual proposal. We do not
go back on the past. We accept as our basis the value as
it stands today. The tax on the increment of land begins
by recognizing and franking the past increment. We look
only to the future, and for the future we say only this,
that the community shall be the partner in any further
increment above the present value after all the owner's
improvements have been deducted. We say that the State
and the municipality should jointly levy a toll upon the
future unearned increment of the land. The toll of what?
Of the whole? No. Of a half? No. Of a quarter! No. Of
a fifth -- that is the proposal
of the Budget, and that is robbery, that is Plunder, that
is communism and spoliation, that is the social
revolution at last, that is the overturn of civilized
society, that is the end of the world foretold in the
Apocalypse! Such is the increment tax about which so much
chatter and outcry are raised at the present time, and
upon which I will say that no more fair, considerate, or
salutary proposal for taxation has ever been made in the
House of Commons. ... Read the
whole piece
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