As civilization progresses, the economic benefits tend
to be concentrated in a single class: those who own
our best land, whether through corporate shares,
family trusts, university endowments, pension funds,
REITs, or other forms of ownership -- most quite
concentrated in the top percentiles of the wealth
distribution. But there is an alternative, a simple way
to use a just tax to collect those benefits for the
commons.
Henry George:
The Increasing Importance of Social Questions
(Chapter 1 of Social
Problems, 1883)
[03] Between the development of society and the
development of species there is a close analogy. In the
lowest forms of animal life there is little difference
of parts; both wants and powers are few and simple;
movement seems automatic; and instincts are scarcely
distinguishable from those of the vegetable. So
homogeneous are some of these living things, that if
cut in pieces, each piece still lives. But as life
rises into higher manifestations, simplicity gives way
to complexity, the parts develop into organs having
separate functions and reciprocal relations, new wants
and powers arise, and a greater and greater degree of
intelligence is needed to secure food and avoid danger.
Did fish, bird or beast possess no higher intelligence
than the polyp, nature could bring them forth only to
die.
[04] This law — that the increasing complexity
and delicacy of organization which give higher capacity
and increased power are accompanied by increased wants
and dangers, and require, therefore, increased
intelligence — runs through nature. In the
ascending scale of life at last comes man, the most
highly and delicately organized of animals. Yet not
only do his higher powers require for their use a
higher intelligence than exists in other animals, but
without higher intelligence he could not live. His skin
is too thin; his nails too brittle; he is too poorly
adapted for running, climbing, swimming or burrowing.
Were he not gifted with intelligence greater than that
of any beast, he would perish from cold, starve from
inability to get food, or be exterminated by animals
better equipped for the struggle in which brute
instinct suffices.
[05] In man, however, the intelligence which
increases all through nature's rising scale passes at
one bound into an intelligence so superior, that the
difference seems of kind rather than degree. In him,
that narrow and seemingly unconscious intelligence that
we call instinct becomes conscious reason, and the
godlike power of adaptation and invention makes feeble
man nature's king.
[06] But with man the ascending line stops. Animal
life assumes no higher form; nor can we affirm that, in
all his generations, man, as an animal, has a whit
improved. But progression in another line begins. Where
the development of species ends, social development
commences, and that advance of society that we call
civilization so increases human powers, that between
savage and civilized man there is a gulf so vast as to
suggest the gulf between the highly organized animal
and the oyster glued to the rocks. And with every
advance upon this line new vistas open. When we try to
think what knowledge and power progressive civilization
may give to the men of the future, imagination
fails.
[07] In this progression which begins with man, as
in that which leads up to him, the same law holds. Each
advance makes a demand for higher and higher
intelligence. With the beginnings of society arises the
need for social intelligence — for that consensus
of individual intelligence which forms a public
opinion, a public conscience, a public will, and is
manifested in law, institutions and administration. As
society develops, a higher and higher degree of this
social intelligence is required, for the relation of
individuals to each other becomes more intimate and
important, and the increasing complexity of the social
organization brings liability to new dangers.
[08] In the rude beginning, each family produces its
own food, makes its own clothes, builds its own house,
and, when it moves, furnishes its own transportation.
Compare with this independence the intricate
interdependence of the denizens of a modern city. They
may supply themselves with greater certainty, and in
much greater variety and abundance, than the savage;
but it is by the cooperation of thousands. Even the
water they drink, and the artificial light they use,
are brought to them by elaborate machinery, requiring
the constant labor and watchfulness of many men. They
may travel at a speed incredible to the savage; but in
doing so resign life and limb to the care of others. A
broken rail, a drunken engineer, a careless switchman,
may hurl them to eternity. And the power of applying
labor to the satisfaction of desire passes, in the same
way, beyond the direct control of the individual. The
laborer becomes but part of a great machine, which may
at any time be paralyzed by causes beyond his power, or
even his foresight. Thus does the well-being of each
become more and more dependent upon the well-being of
all — the individual more and more subordinate to
society.
[12] Nor should we forget that in civilized man
still lurks the savage. The men who, in past times,
oppressed or revolted, who fought to the death in petty
quarrels and drunk fury with blood, who burned cities
and rent empires, were men essentially such as those we
daily meet. Social progress has accumulated knowledge,
softened manners, refined tastes and extended
sympathies, but man is yet capable of as blind a rage
as when, clothed in skins, he fought wild beasts with a
flint. And present tendencies, in some respects at
least, threaten to kindle passions that have so often
before flamed in destructive fury.
[13] There is in all the past nothing to compare
with the rapid changes now going on in the civilized
world. It seems as though in the European race, and in
the nineteenth century, man was just beginning to live
— just grasping his tools and becoming conscious
of his powers. The snail's pace of crawling ages has
suddenly become the headlong rush of the locomotive,
speeding faster and faster. This rapid progress is
primarily in industrial methods and material powers.
But industrial changes imply social changes and
necessitate political changes. Progressive societies
outgrow institutions as children outgrow clothes.
Social progress always requires greater intelligence in
the management of public affairs; but this the more as
progress is rapid and change quicker.
[14] And that the rapid changes now going on are
bringing up problems that demand most earnest attention
may be seen on every hand. Symptoms of danger,
premonitions of violence, are appearing all over the
civilized world. Creeds are dying, beliefs are
changing; the old forces of conservatism are melting
away. Political institutions are failing, as clearly in
democratic America as in monarchical Europe. There is
growing unrest and bitterness among the masses,
whatever be the form of government, a blind groping for
escape from conditions becoming intolerable. To
attribute all this to the teachings of demagogues is
like attributing the fever to the quickened pulse. It
is the new wine beginning to ferment in old bottles. To
put into a sailing-ship the powerful engines of a
first-class ocean steamer would be to tear her to
pieces with their play. So the new powers rapidly
changing all the relations of society must shatter
social and political organizations not adapted to meet
their strain.
[15] To adjust our institutions to growing needs and
changing conditions is the task which devolves upon us.
Prudence, patriotism, human sympathy, and religious
sentiment, alike call upon us to undertake it. There is
danger in reckless change; but greater danger in blind
conservatism. The problems beginning to confront us are
grave — so grave that there is fear they may not
be solved in time to prevent great catastrophes. But
their gravity comes from indisposition to recognize
frankly and grapple boldly with them.
[16] These dangers, which menace not one country
alone, but modern civilization itself, do but show that
a higher civilization is struggling to be born —
that the needs and the aspirations of men have outgrown
conditions and institutions that before sufficed.
[17] A civilization which tends to concentrate
wealth and power in the hands of a fortunate few, and
to make of others mere human machines, must inevitably
evolve anarchy and bring destruction. But a
civilization is possible in which the poorest could
have all the comforts and conveniences now enjoyed by
the rich; in which prisons and almshouses would be
needless, and charitable societies unthought of. Such a
civilization waits only for the social intelligence
that will adapt means to ends. Powers that might give
plenty to all are already in our hands. Though there is
poverty and want, there is, yet, seeming embarrassment
from the very excess of wealth-producing forces. "Give
us but a market," say manufacturers, "and we will
supply goods without end!" "Give us but work!" cry idle
men.
[18] The evils that begin to appear spring from the
fact that the application of intelligence to social
affairs has not kept pace with the application of
intelligence to individual needs and material ends.
Natural science strides forward, but political science
lags. With all our progress in the arts which produce
wealth, we have made no progress in securing its
equitable distribution. Knowledge has vastly increased;
industry and commerce have been revolutionized; but
whether free trade or protection is best for a nation
we are not yet agreed. We have brought machinery to a
pitch of perfection that, fifty years ago, could not
have been imagined; but, in the presence of political
corruption, we seem as helpless as idiots. The East
River bridge is a crowning triumph of mechanical skill;
but to get it built a leading citizen of Brooklyn had
to carry to New York sixty thousand dollars in a carpet
bag to bribe New York aldermen. The human soul that
thought out the great bridge is prisoned in a crazed
and broken body that lies bedfast, and could watch it
grow only by peering through a telescope. Nevertheless,
the weight of the immense mass is estimated and
adjusted for every inch. But the skill of the engineer
could not prevent condemned wire being smuggled into
the cable.
[19] The progress of civilization requires that more
and more intelligence be devoted to social affairs, and
this not the intelligence of the few, but that of the
many. We cannot safely leave politics to politicians,
or political economy to college professors. The people
themselves must think, because the people alone can
act.
[20] In a "journal of civilization" a professed
teacher declares the saving word for society to be that
each shall mind his own business. This is the gospel of
selfishness, soothing as soft flutes to those who,
having fared well themselves, think everybody should be
satisfied. But the salvation of society, the hope for
the free, full development of humanity, is in the
gospel of brotherhood — the gospel of Christ.
Social progress makes the well-being of all more and
more the business of each; it binds all closer and
closer together in bonds from which none can escape. He
who observes the law and the proprieties, and cares for
his family, yet takes no interest in the general weal,
and gives no thought to those who are trodden under
foot, save now and then to bestow aims, is not a true
Christian. Nor is he a good citizen. The duty of the
citizen is more and harder than this.
[21] The intelligence required for the solving of
social problems is not a thing of the mere intellect.
It must be animated with the religious sentiment and
warm with sympathy for human suffering. It must stretch
out beyond self-interest, whether it be the
self-interest of the few or of the many. It must seek
justice. For at the bottom of every social problem we
will find a social wrong.
.. read the entire essay
Henry George: Moses, Apostle
of Freedom (1878 speech)
In the full blaze of the nineteenth century,
when every child in our schools may know as common truths
things of which the Egyptian sages never dreamed; when
the earth has been mapped and the stars have been
weighed; when steam and electricity have been pressed
into our service, and science is wresting from nature
secret after secret – it is but natural to look
back upon the wisdom of three thousand years ago as an
adult looks back upon the learning of a
child.
And yet, for all this wonderful
increase of knowledge, for all this enormous gain
of productive power, where is the
country in the civilised world in which today there is
not want and suffering – where the masses are not
condemned to toil that gives no leisure, and all classes
are not pursued by a greed of gain that makes life an
ignoble struggle to get and to keep? Three
thousands years of advances, and still the moan goes up:
"They have made our lives bitter with hard bondage, in
mortar and in brick, and in all manner of service!" Three
thousand years of advances! and the piteous voices of
little children are in the moan.
...
Over ocean wastes far wider than the Syrian
desert we have sought our promised land – no narrow
strip between the mountains and the sea, but a wide and
virgin continent. Here, in greater freedom, with vaster
knowledge and fuller experience, we are building up a
nation that leads the van of modern progress. And yet
while we prate of the rights of humanity there are
already many among us thousands who find it difficult to
assert the first of natural rights – the right to
earn an honest living; thousands who from time to time
must accept of degrading charity or starve.
We boast of equality before the law; yet
notoriously justice is deaf to the call of those who have
no gold and blind to the sin of those who
have. We pride ourselves upon our
common schools; yet after our boys and girls are educated
we vainly ask: "What shall we do with them?" And about
our colleges children are growing up in vice and crime,
because from their homes poverty has driven all refining
influences. We pin our faith to universal suffrage; yet
with all power in the hands of the people, the control of
public affairs is passing into the hands of a class of
professional politicians, and our governments are, in
many cases, becoming but a means for robbery of the
people. We have prohibited hereditary
distinctions, we have forbidden titles of nobility; yet
there is growing up an aristocracy of wealth as powerful
and merciless as any that ever held sway. ...
read the
whole speech
Louis Post: Outlines
of Louis F. Post's Lectures, with Illustrative Notes and
Charts (1894)
b. Normal Effect of Social Progress upon
Wages and Rent
In the foregoing charts the effect of social growth is
ignored, it being assumed that the given expenditure of
labor force does not become more productive.93 Let us now
try to illustrate that effect, upon the supposition that
social growth increases the productive power of the given
expenditure of labor force as applied to the first closed
space, to 100; as applied to the second, to 50; as
applied to the third, to 10; as applied to the fourth, to
3, and as applied to the open space, to 1. 94 If there
were no increased demand for land the chart would then be
like this: [chart]
93. "The effect of increasing population
upon the distribution of wealth is to increase rent ..
. in two ways: First, By lowering the margin of
cultivation. Second, By bringing out in land special
capabilities otherwise latent, and by attaching special
capabilities to particular lands.
"I am disposed to think that the latter
mode, to which little attention has been given by
political economists, is really the more important."
— Progress and Poverty, book iv, ch. iii.
"When we have inquired what it is that
marks off land from those material things which we
regard as products of the land, we shall find that the
fundamental attribute of land is its extension. The
right to use a piece of land gives command over a
certain space — a certain part of the earth's
surface. The area of the earth is fixed; the geometric
relations in which any particular part of it stands to
other parts are fixed. Man has no control over them;
they are wholly unaffected by demand; they have no cost
of production; there is no supply price at which they
can be produced.
"The use of a certain area of the
earth's surface is a primary condition of anything that
man can do; it gives him room for his own actions, with
the enjoyment of the heat and the light, the air and
the rain which nature assigns to that area; and it
determines his distance from, and in great measure his
relations to, other things and other persons. We shall
find that it is this property of land, which, though as
yet insufficient prominence has been given to it, is
the ultimate cause of the distinction which all writers
are compelled to make between land and other things."
— Marshall's Prin., book iv, ch. ii, sec. i.
94. Of course social growth does not go
on in this regular way; the charts are merely
illustrative. They are intended to illustrate the
universal fact that as any land becomes a center of
trade or other social relationship its value rises.
Though Rent is now increased, so are Wages. Both
benefit by social growth. But if we consider the fact
that increase in the productive power of labor increases
demand for land we shall see that the tendency of Wages
(as a proportion of product if not as an absolute
quantity) is downward, while that of Rent is upward. 95
And this conclusion is confirmed by observation. 96
95. "Perhaps it may be well to remind
the reader, before closing this chapter, of what has
been before stated — that I am using the word
wages not in the sense of a quantity, but in the sense
of a proportion. When I say that wages fall as rent
rises, I do not mean that the quantity of wealth
obtained by laborers as wages is necessarily less, but
that the proportion which it bears to the whole produce
is necessarily less. The proportion may diminish while
the quantity remains the same or increases." —
Progress and Poverty, book iii, ch. vi.
96. The condition illustrated in
the last chart would be the result of social growth if
all land but that which was in full use were common
land. The discovery of mines, the development of cities
and towns, and the construction of railroads, the
irrigation of and places, improvements in government,
all the infinite conveniences and laborsaving devices
that civilization generates, would tend to abolish
poverty by increasing the compensation of labor, and
making it impossible for any man to be in involuntary
idleness, or underpaid, so long as mankind was in want.
If demand for land increased, Wages would tend to fall
as the demand brought lower grades of land into use;
but they would at the same time tend to rise as social
growth added new capabilities to the lower grades. And
it is altogether probable that, while progress would
lower Wages as a proportion of total product, it would
increase them as an absolute quantity.
...
Q32. Is not ownership of land necessary to induce
its improvement? Does not history show that private
ownership is a step in advance of common
ownership?
A. No. Private use was doubtless a step in advance of
common use. And because private use seems to us to have
been brought about under the institution of private
ownership, private ownership appears to the superficial
to have been the real advance. But a little observation
and reflection will remove that impression. Private
ownership of land is not necessary to its private use.
And so far from inducing improvement, private ownership
retards it. When a man owns land he may accumulate wealth
by doing nothing with the land, simply allowing the
community to increase its value while he pays a merely
nominal tax, upon the plea that he gets no income from
the property. But when the possessor has to pay the value
of his land every year, as he would have to under the
single tax, and as ground renters do now, he must improve
his holding in order to profit by it. Private possession
of land, without profit except from use, promotes
improvement; private ownership, with profit regardless of
use, retards improvement. Every city in the world, in its
vacant lots, offers proof of the statement. It is the
lots that are owned, and not those that are held upon
ground-lease, that remain vacant. ... read the book
Gems from George, a
themed collection of excerpts from the writings of Henry
George (with links to sources)
FIVE centuries ago the wealth-producing power of
England, man for man, was small indeed compared with what
it is now. Not merely were all the great inventions and
discoveries which since the Introduction of steam have
revolutionized mechanical industry then undreamed of, but
even agriculture was far ruder and less productive.
Artificial grasses had not been discovered. The potato,
the carrot, the turnip, the beet, and many other plants
and vegetables which the farmer now finds most prolific,
had not been introduced. The advantages which ensue from
rotation of crops were unknown. Agricultural implements
consisted of the spade, the sickle, the flail, the rude
plow and the harrow. Cattle had not been bred to more
than one-half the size they average now, and sheep did
not yield half the fleece. Roads, where there were roads,
were extremely bad, wheel vehicles scarce and rude, and
places a hundred miles from each other were, in
difficulties of transportation, practically as far apart
as London and Hong Kong, or San Francisco and New York,
are now.
Yet patient students of those times tell us that the
condition of the English laborer was not only relatively,
but absolutely better in those rude times than it is in
England today, after five centuries of advance in the
productive arts. They tell us that the workingman did not
work so hard as he does now, and lived better; that he
was exempt from the harassing dread of being forced by
loss of employment to want and beggary, or of leaving a
family that must apply to charity to avoid I starvation.
Pauperism as it prevails in the rich England of the
nineteenth century was in the far poorer England of the
fourteenth century absolutely unknown. Medicine was
empirical and superstitious, sanitary regulations and
precautions were all but unknown. There were frequently
plague and occasionally famine, for, owing to the
difficulties of transportation, the scarcity of one
district could not "be relieved by the plenty of another.
But men did not as they do now, starve in the midst of
abundance; and what is perhaps the most significant fact
of all is that not only were women and children not
worked as they are today, but the eight-hour system,
which even the working classes of the United States, with
all the profusion of labor-saving machinery and
appliances have not yet attained, was then the common
system! — Protection or Free Trade —
Chapter 22: The Real Weakness of Free Trade.
MENTAL power is the motor of progress, and men tend to
advance in proportion to the mental power expended in
progression — the mental power which is devoted to
the extension of knowledge, the improvement of methods,
and the betterment of social conditions. — Progress
& Poverty — Book X, Chapter 3, The Law of Human
Progress
To compare society to a boat. Her progress through the
water will not depend upon the exertion of her crew, but
upon the exertion devoted to propelling her. This will be
lessened by any expenditure of force required for baling,
or any expenditure of force in fighting among themselves
or in pulling in different directions.
Now, as in a separated state the whole powers of man
are required to maintain existence, and mental power is
only set free for higher uses by the association of men
in communities, which permits the division of labor and
all the economies which come with the co-operation of
increased numbers, association is the first essential of
progress. Improvement becomes possible as men come
together in peaceful association, and the wider and
closer the association, the greater the possibilities of
improvement. And as the wasteful expenditure of mental
power in conflict becomes greater or less as the moral
law which accords to each an equality of rights is
ignored or is recognized, equality (or justice) is the
second essential of progress.
Thus association in equality is the law of progress.
Association frees mental power for expenditure in
improvement, and equality (or justice, or freedom —
for the terms here signify the same thing, the
recognition of the moral law) prevents the dissipation of
this power in fruitless struggles. — Progress &
Poverty — Book X, Chapter 3, The Law of Human
Progress
I BELIEVE that in a really Christian community, in a
society that honored, not with the lips but with the act,
the doctrines of Jesus, no one would have occasion to
worry about physical needs any more than do the lilies of
the field. There is enough and to spare. The trouble is
that, in this mad struggle, we trample in the mire what
has been provided in sufficiency for us all; trample it
in the mire while we tear and rend each other. —
The Crime of Poverty
WHOSE fault is it that social conditions are such that
men have to make that terrible choice between what
conscience tells them is right, and the necessity of
earning a living? I hold that it is the fault of society;
that it is the fault of us all. Pestilence is a curse.
The man who would bring cholera to this country, or the
man who, having the power to prevent its coming here,
would make no effort to do so, would be guilty of a
crime. Poverty is worse than cholera; poverty kills more
people than pestilence, even in the best of times. Look
at the death statistics of our cities; see where the
deaths come quickest; see where it is that the little
children die like flies — it is in the poorer
quarters. And the man who looks with careless eyes upon
the ravages of this pestilence; the man who does not set
himself to stay and eradicate it, he, I say, is guilty of
a crime. — The Crime of Poverty
SOCIAL progress makes the well-being of all more and
more the business of each; it binds all closer and closer
together in bonds from which none can escape. He who
observes the law and the proprieties, and cares for his
family, yet takes no interest in the general weal, and
gives no thought to those who are trodden underfoot, save
now and then to bestow alms, is not a true Christian. Nor
is he a good citizen. — Social Problems —
Chapter 1, the Increasing Importance of Social
Questions
WE cannot safely leave politics to politicians, or
political economy to college professors. The people
themselves must think, because the people alone can act.
— Social Problems — Chapter 1, the Increasing
Importance of Social Questions
I AM convinced that we make a great mistake in
depriving one sex of voice in public matters, and that we
could in no way so increase the attention, the
intelligence and the devotion which may be brought to the
solution of social problems as by enfranchising our
women. Even if in a ruder state of society the
intelligence of one sex suffices for the management of
common interests, the vastly more intricate, more
delicate and more important questions which the progress
of civilization makes of public moment, require the
intelligence of women as of men, and that we never can
obtain until we interest them in public affairs. And I
have come to believe that very much of the inattention,
the flippancy, the want of conscience, which we see
manifested in regard to public matters of the greatest
moment, arises from the fact that we debar our women from
taking their proper part in these matters. Nothing will
fully interest men unless it also interests women. There
are those who say that women are less intelligent than
men; but who will say that they are less influential?
— Social Problems — Chapter 22:
Conclusion
... go to "Gems from
George"
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