To show briefly why we urge this change, let me
treat (1) of its expediency, and (2) of
its justice.
From the Single Tax we may expect
these advantages:
1. It would dispense with a whole army of tax
gatherers and other officials which present taxes
require, and place in the treasury a much larger portion
of what is taken from people, while by making government
simpler and cheaper, it would tend to make it purer. It
would get rid of taxes which necessarily promote fraud,
perjury, bribery, and corruption, which lead men into
temptation, and which tax what the nation can least
afford to spare--honesty and conscience. Since land lies
out-of-doors and cannot be removed, and its value is the
most readily ascertained of all values, the tax to which
we would resort can be collected with the minimum of cost
and the least strain on public morals.
2. It would enormously increase the production
of wealth--
(a) By the removal of the burdens that now weigh
upon industry and thrift. If we tax houses, there will
be fewer and poorer houses; if we tax machinery, there
will be less machinery; if we tax trade, there will be
less trade; if we tax capital, there will be less
capital; if we tax savings, there will be less savings.
All the taxes therefore that we would abolish are those
that repress industry and lessen wealth. But if we
tax land values, there will be no less
land.
(b) On the contrary, the taxation of land
values has the effect of making land more easily
available by industry, since it makes it more
difficult for owners of valuable land which they
themselves do not care to use to hold it idle for a
large future price. While the abolition of taxes on
labor and the products of labor would free the active
element of production, the taking of land values by
taxation would free the passive element by destroying
speculative land values and preventing the holding out
of use of land needed for use. If any one will but look
around today and see the unused or but half-used land,
the idle labor, the unemployed or poorly employed
capital, he will get some idea of how enormous would be
the production of wealth were all the forces of
production free to engage.
(c) The taxation of the processes and
products of labor on one hand, and the insufficient
taxation of land values on the other, produce an unjust
distribution of wealth which is building up in the
hands of a few, fortunes more monstrous than the world
has ever before seen, while the masses of our people
are steadily becoming relatively poorer. These taxes
necessarily fall on the poor more heavily than on the
rich; by increasing prices, they necessitate a larger
capital in all businesses, and consequently give an
advantage to large capitals; and they give, and in some
cases are designed to give, special advantage and
monopolies to combinations and trusts. On the other
hand, the insufficient taxation of land values enables
men to make large fortunes by land speculation and the
increase of ground values--fortunes which do not
represent any addition by them to the general wealth of
the community, but merely the appropriation by some of
what the labor of others creates.
This unjust distribution of wealth
develops on the one hand a class idle and wasteful
because they are too rich, and on the other hand a
class idle and wasteful because they are too poor.
It deprives men of capital and opportunities which
would make them more efficient producers. It thus
greatly diminishes production.
(d) The unjust distribution which is
giving us the hundred-fold millionaire on the one side
and the tramp and pauper on the other, generates
thieves, gamblers, and social parasites of all
kinds, and requires large expenditure of money and
energy in watchmen, policemen, courts, prisons, and
other means of defense and repression. It kindles a
greed of gain and a worship of wealth, and produces a
bitter struggle for existence which fosters
drunkenness, increases insanity, and causes men whose
energies ought to be devoted to honest production to
spend their time and strength in cheating and grabbing
from each other. Besides the moral loss, all this
involves an enormous economic loss which the Single Tax
would save.
(e) The taxes we would abolish fall most
heavily on the poorer agricultural districts, and tend
to drive population and wealth from them to the great
cities. The tax we would increase would destroy
that monopoly of land which is the great cause of that
distribution of population which is crowding the people
too closely together in some places and scattering them
too far apart in other places. Families live on top of
one another in cities because of the enormous
speculative prices at which vacant lots are held. In
the country they are scattered too far apart for social
intercourse and convenience, because, instead of each
taking what land he can use, every one who can grabs
all he can get, in the hope of profiting by its
increase in value, and the next man must pass farther
on. Thus we have scores of families living under a
single roof, and other families living in dugouts on
the prairies afar from neighbors--some living too close
to each other for moral, mental, or physical health,
and others too far separated for the stimulating and
refining influences of society. The wastes in health,
in mental vigor, and in unnecessary transportation
result in great economic losses which the Single Tax
would save. ... read the whole
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