Land Nationalization
Frank Stilwell and Kirrily Jordan:
The Political Economy of Land: Putting Henry George in His
Place
George saw land as a community resource provided by
nature, to which every human being had an equal right. He
argued that, since land was fixed in supply, the system
of private land ownership allowed the wealthy few to
enjoy exclusive rights to land and its benefits, while
alienating the poorer majority from land ownership and
forcing them to pay rent to landowners in order to access
this necessary resource. Moreover, the collection of
rents by landowners allowed them to increase their wealth
without contributing to the productive efforts of
society. As the population grew, so too did the demand
for land, forcing rents and land values ever higher. In
addition, increases in land value resulting from
publicly-funded developments, such as roads and public
transport systems, unduly benefited landowners at the
expense of the community. Such unearned gains from
landownership encouraged speculation in land, pushing
prices even higher, while exposing the economy to the
risks of speculative ‘booms’ and
‘busts’.
One might expect such arguments to have led to the
advocacy of land nationalisation. But George thought this
unnecessary because a tax on land could be effective in
capturing the economic surplus arising from land
ownership. This tax would generate all the revenue
necessary to fund public expenditures. George thought
that such a land tax would permit the removal of other
taxes on labour and capital, which he regarded as
inherently inefficient. He argued that taxes on incomes,
sales, and payrolls, for example, acted as disincentives
to production and active endeavour, thereby stifling
economic growth and creating a barrier to full
employment. A land tax, by contrast, would be both
economically efficient and more equitable in its
distributional effects. ...
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Charles B. Fillebrown: A Catechism of
Natural Taxation, from Principles of Natural
Taxation (1917)
Q9. Does not the single tax mean the
nationalization of land?
A. No; as Henry George has said, "the primary error of
the advocates of land nationalization is in their
confusion of equal rights with joint rights. ... In
truth, the right to the use of land is not a joint or
common right, but an equal right; a joint or common right
is to rent."* It means rather the socialization of
economic rent. It simply proposes gradually to divert an
increasing share of ground rent into the public
treasury.
*A
Perplexed Philosopher, Part III, Chapter XI:
Compensation
Q11. Does not the common right to rent involve
common ownership of land?
A. Not in the least. When the economic rent is
appropriated by the community for common purposes,
individual ownership of land could and should continue.
Such ownership would carry all the present rights of the
landowner to use, control, and dispose of land, so that
nothing like common ownership of land would be
necessary.
Q12. Did not Henry George believe in the abolition
of private property in land?
A. Assuredly not. If he did, why was it that he suggested
no modification whatever of present land tenure or
"estate in land"? If he did, how could he have said that
the sole "sovereign" and sufficient remedy for the wrongs
of private property in land was "to appropriate rent by
taxation"?
Q59. Is it correct to say that "land" is one
thing, and the "rent of land" another and quite different
thing, and that to take in taxation the rent of land it
is not necessary to take the land itself?
A. Ninety-one professors of political economy have
answered "Yes." Twenty-three have answered "No." ...
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