Free Trade
Henry George:
In Liverpool: The Financial Reform Meeting at the Liverpool
Rotunda (1889)
You are right, Mr. Garrison. The true republic, the
American Republic that we hope for and pray is not yet
here. (Hear, hear) A poor thing is a republic where the
tramp jostles the millionaire, where liberty is mocked by
a paternal system of interference with human rights,
where, under the pretext of protecting labor, labor is
robbed! (Cheers) And here, in the motherland, in the
United States, in Australia and New Zealand, we of the
English tongue find the same difficulties confronting us.
Liberty is not yet here; but, thank God, she is coming.
(Cheers) Not merely the American Republic, not merely the
Republic of the Southern Cross, not merely the Republic
of Great Britain and Ireland is it that we see in the
future, but that great republic that some day is to
confederate the English speaking people everywhere (loud
cheers) that is to bring a grander "Roman peace" to the
world. (A voice: More than that.) Aye, more than that
— that is to bring civilization as much higher, as
much better than what we call a Christian civilization,
as this is higher and better than barbarism. And already,
in meetings such as this, it seems to me that I feel an
earnest [presentiment] of the coming time when we of one
blood and one speech are also to be one. (Cheers) For the
same principles, for the same great cause that we stand
in the United States we stand here. And in a little over
a week from now I will be standing on an American
platform speaking to men whose hearts are beating in the
same cause in which we are engaged here. (Cheers)
Our little local politics may differ; our greater
politics are one and the same. We have the same evils to
redress, the same truth to propagate, the same end to
seek.
And that end, what is it but liberty? (Hear, hear) He
who listens to the voice of Freedom, she will lead and
lead him on. Before I was born, before our friend there
was born, there was in a southern city of the United
States a young printer bearing the name William Lloyd
Garrison. (Cheers) He saw around him the iniquity of
negro slavery. (Hear, hear) The voice of the oppressed
cried to him and would not let him rest, and he took up
the cross. He became the great apostle of human liberty,
and today in American cities that once hooted and stoned
him there are now statues raised to William Lloyd
Garrison.
He began as a protectionist. As he moved on he saw
that liberty meant something more than simply the
abolition of chattel slavery. He saw that liberty also
meant, not merely the right to freely labor for oneself,
but the right to freely exchange one's production, and,
from a protectionist, William Lloyd Garrison became a
free trader. (Cheers)
And now, when the first is gone, the second comes
forward, to take one further step to realize that for
perfect freedom there must also be freedom in the use of
natural opportunities. (Hear, hear, and cheers)
We have come . . . to the same point by converging
lines. Why is freedom of trade good? Simply that trade
— exchange — is but a mode of production.
Therefore, to secure full free trade we must also secure
freedom to the natural opportunities of production.
(Hear, hear) Our production—what is it? We produce
from what? From land. All human production consists but
in working up the raw materials that we find in nature
— consists simply in changing in place, or in form,
that matter which we call land. To free production there
must be no monopoly of the natural element. Even in our
methods we agree primarily on this essential point
— that everyone ought to be free to exert his
labor, to retain or to exchange its fruits, unhampered by
restrictions, unvexed by the tax gatherer. (Hear, hear) .
. .
Chattel slavery, thank God, is abolished at last.
Nowhere, where the American flag flies, can one man be
bought, or sold, or held by another. (Cheers) But a great
struggle still lies before us now. Chattel slavery is
gone; industrial slavery remains. The effort, the aim of
the abolitionists of this time is to abolish industrial
slavery. (Cheers)
The free trade movement in England was a necessary
step in this direction. The men who took part in it did
more than they knew. Striking at restrictions in the form
of protection, aiming at emancipating trade by reducing
tariffs to a minimum for revenue only, they aroused a
spirit that yet goes further. There sits, in the person
of my friend, Mr. Briggs [Thomas Briggs], one of the men
of that time, one of the men who, not stopping, has
always aimed a a larger freedom, one of the men who today
hails what we in the United States call the single tax
movement, as the natural outcome and successor of the
movement which Richard Cobden led.39 (A voice: "Three
cheers for Mr. Briggs," and cheers)
And here, in your Financial Reform Association, you
have the society that has best preserved the best spirit
of that time, that has never cried "Hold!" [and] that has
always striven to move forward to a fuller and a brighter
day. (Hear, hear)
In the United States, carried away by the heat of the
great struggle, we allowed protection to build itself up.
We have to now make the fight that you have partially won
over here; but, in making that fight, we make the fight
for full and absolute free trade. I don't believe that
protection can ever be abolished in the United States
until a majority of the people have been brought to see
the absurdity and the wickedness of all tariffs, whether
protective or for revenue only (hear, hear); have been
brought to realize the deep truth of the fatherhood of
God and the brotherhood of man; have been led to see what
Mr. Garrison has so eloquently said, that the interests
of mankind are harmonious, not antagonistic, that one
nation cannot profit at the expense of another, but that
every people is benefited by the advance of other peoples
— (cheers) — until we shall aim at a free
trade that will enable the citizen of England to enter
the ports of the United States as freely as today, the
citizen of Massachusetts crosses into New York. (Cheers)
...
read the whole speech
Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George, a themed
collection of excerpts from the writings of Henry
George (with links to sources)
LET us try to trace the genesis of civilization.
Gifted alone with the power of relating cause and effect,
man is among all animals the only producer in the true
sense of the term. . . . But the same quality of reason
which makes him the producer, also, wherever exchange
becomes possible, makes him the exchanger. And it is
along this line of exchanging that the body economic is
evolved and develops, and that all the advances of
civilization are primarily made. . . . With the beginning
of exchange or trade among men this body economic begins
to form, and in its beginning civilization begins. . . .
To find an utterly uncivilized people, we must find a
people among whom there is no exchange or trade. Such a
people does not exist, and, as far as our knowledge goes,
never did. To find a fully civilized people, we must find
a people among whom exchange or trade is absolutely free,
and has reached the fullest development to which human
desires can carry it. There is, as yet, unfortunately, no
such people. — The Science of Political
Economy —
unabridged: Book I, Chapter 5, The Meaning of Political
Economy: The Origin and Genesis of Civilization
• abridged:
Chapter 4, The Origin and Genesis of
Civilization
WHEN we, come to analyze production, we find it to fall
into three modes, viz::
ADAPTING, or changing natural products either in form or
in place so as to fit them for the satisfaction of human
desire.
GROWING, or utilizing the vital forces of nature, as by
raising vegetables or animals.
EXCHANGING, or utilizing, so as to add to the general sum
of wealth, the higher powers of those natural forces
which vary with locality, or of those human forces which
vary with situation, occupation, or character. —
Progress & Poverty
— Book III, Chapter 3, The Laws of Distribution: of
Interest and the Cause of Interest
THESE modes seem to appear and to assume importance, in
the development of human society, much in the order here
given. They originate from the increase of the desires of
men with the increase of the means of satisfying them,
under pressure of the fundamental law of political
economy, that men seek to satisfy their desires with the
least exertion. In the primitive stage of human life the
readiest way of satisfying desires is by adapting to
human use what is found in existence. In a later and more
settled stage it is discovered that certain desires can
be more easily and more fully satisfied by utilizing the
principle of growth and reproduction, as by cultivating
vegetables and breeding animals. And in a still later
period of development, it becomes obvious that certain
desires can be better and more easily satisfied by
exchange, which brings out the principle of co-operation
more fully and powerfully than could obtain among
unexchanging economic units. — The Science of
Political Economy
unabridged: Book III, Chapter 2, The Production of
Wealth: The Three Modes of Production •
abridged: Part III, Chapter 2, The Production of Wealth:
The Three Modes of Production
"COME with me," said Richard Cobden, as John Bright
turned heart-stricken from a new-made grave. "There are
in England women and children dying with hunger —
with hunger made by the laws. Come with me, and we will
not rest until we repeal those laws."
In this spirit the free trade movement waxed and grew,
arousing an enthusiasm that no mere fiscal reform could
have aroused. And intrenched though it was by restricted
suffrage and rotten boroughs and aristocratic privilege,
protection was overthrown in Great Britain.
And — there is hunger in Great Britain still, and
women and children yet die of it.
But this is not the failure of free trade. When
protection had been abolished and a revenue tariff
substituted for a protective tariff, free trade had only
won an outpost. That women and children still die of
hunger in Great Britain arises from the failure of the
reformers to go on. Free trade has not yet been tried in
Great Britain. Free trade in its fulness and entirety
would indeed abolish hunger. — Protection or
Free Trade — Chapter 26: True Free Trade -
econlib -|- abridged
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