Albert Nock
Albert Jay Nock — Henry George: Unorthodox
American - Will Lissner's bio of Nock, appended to
Nock's article on George
Back in the dark days of 1932, when a despairing world
and its culture were being torn asunder by a major
catastrophe, the worst economic depression ever known, a
man who is foremost among America's few living exponents
of belles-lettres wrote in his diary under the date of
Oct. 27; "Now that Roosevelt has dug up W. G. Sumner and
the Yale Press shows signs of life, enough to republish
his writings; I should think someone might soon be
rediscovering Henry George. If so, he will find that
George was one of the first half-dozen minds of the
nineteenth century, in all the world."
The man who set that down in his characteristically
small, fine hand, an essayist and historian who is one of
the chief catalyzers of the intellectual ferments of our
time, was noting no passing fancy. The idea returned to
him and on Oct. 31 he recorded: "I have been looking over
the biography of Henry George, by his son Harry, a
pains-taking sort of book. The best one can say for it is
that it is competent. There should be a better one, for
George was undeniably a great man."
Not only was Albert Jay Nock, the chronicler just
quoted, thinking of these things. In New York the editors
of Scribner's Magazine had the same notion and
they commissioned Mr. Nock to do the job. The essayist
went abroad the following February and through the Spring
lived in his beloved low countries, breaking his stay at
last for a junket through France and Spain into Portugal.
With his papers full of commissions, some of which he
would not do, some he might do and a few he would do if
time, and the business of living fully, permitted, the
assignment from Scribner's caused him no preoccupation.
But the personality of George kept popping up: at Port
Cros, watching a schooner put off ten tons of coal on
March 31, he mused: "All by hand labor, with the help of
one donkey. I wonder whether most of our labor-saving
devices have really saved anything worth saving ... Henry
George attacked this problem, in 'Progress and
Poverty', and solved it, but his solution, being
valid, will not be accepted in a hurry."
Through his friends he was keeping in close touch with
hectic America. Henry L. Mencken wrote him, after the
fiasco of the World Economic Conference: "'The republic
proceeds towards hell at a rapidly accelerating tempo."
Nock was not profoundly stirred; he spent the next day at
the Lisbon Museum. But the idea of re-creating Henry
George was still rankling him. On June 9 he wrote in the
diary: "Overnight at Porto, on the way to Vidago, where I
hope to find a pleasant place to stop awhile and write
'an overdue paper for Scribner's on Henry George."
Soon he was in Vidago where "one sees miserable
dwellings, occupied by people absolutely lost in poverty
and filth, built of magnificent huge granite blocks after
the Roman fashion"; in Vidago among a Portuguese people
whom he found, nevertheless "without a single exception,
the kindest people I have ever seen." On June 15 he
noted. "Working steadily at quite high pressure on my
article for Scribner's on Henry George, so the days pass
very quickly. I hope it will call attention to him,
though I suppose nothing will do so effectively as long
as Americans are what they are" or until tremendous
hardship puts an end to their being drugged and doped by
nostrums dealt out to them by demagogues and scoundrels."
In his idyllic refuge --"what a superb climate and what
grand scenery" he remarked of Vidago -- America became
remote to him; "one can hardly convince oneself while
here, that it exists." But George, along of all his
environment, persisted and on June 26, Mr. Nock recorded:
"I am done with Henry George, and shall leave here
tomorrow. What a great man he was, and how well he
managed to get himself misjudged and forgotten! I
suppose, Scribner's, people will pull a long face over
getting a really serious piece of work -- I often think
of that dreadful person, Bok, writing to Lyman Abbott for
'a short, snappy life of Christ.'" The aftermath was
typical of the man; on July 29 he noted: "ScrIbner's
people seem satisfied with my piece on Henry George, and
say it will come out in November, so I suppose all the
single-taxers in the country will curse me afresh."
That is how "Henry George, Unorthodox American" came
to be written, as anyone can see for himself in Mr.
Nock's "A Journal of These Days: June 1932-December 1933"
(Morrow, 1934.) But to understand how this tabloid
biography came to be the unique study it is, even when
one compares it with the admirable similar studies by
Broadus Mitchell and Rexford G. Tugwell, one must recall
Mr. Nock's career. He took his bachelor's degreeat St.
Stephen's College, where he steeped hirnse1f in the
classical languages and their literatures. With Francis
Neilson he wrote "How Diplomats Make War" (1915; 2d Ed.,
1916). From 1920 to 1924, he edited the old Freeman in
company with Neilson, Suzanne Lafollette and others
equal1y notable, setting unexcelled standards in
periodical journalism. During that period he wrote "The
Myth of a Guilty Nation" under the pseudonym of
Historicus (1922) and edited "The Selected Works of
Charles F. Browne (Artemus Ward)" (1924), in the latter
work establishing the native humorist as the social
satirist he was.
A scholar's life-time job found fruit in his
"Jefferson" (1926 ). He followed this with a collection,
"On Doing the Right Thing and Other Essays" (1928). Then,
with Catherine Rose Wilson, he wrote "Francis Rabelais,
the Man and His Work" (1929), first fruit of another
lifetime interest. With Miss Wilson, he edited the
Urquhart-Le Matteaux translation of the works of "Francis
Rabelais" (2 vols., 1931), concluding a monumental work
of scholarship with his book, "A Journey Into Rabelais's
France" (1934). Meanwhile he had served as visiting
professor of American history and government at Saint
Stephen's and had published, under the pseudonym of
Journeyman, "The Book of Journeyman" (1932) together with
a noteworthy structure on an institution close to him,
"The Theory of Education" (1932).
The contradiction between state and society, in which
Ludwig Gumplowicz and Franz Oppenheimer had interested
him long before, resulted in a work as significant in a
social sense as "Rabelais" and "Jefferson" had been in
literary and historical senses, "Our Enemy the State"
(1935). He followed this with "Free Speech and Plain
Language" (1937). Throughout all these dates a stream of
essays on contemporary themes poured from his pen, to
find critical and keenly appreciative hearings among the
readers of The New Republic, The Atlantic Monthly, The
American Mercury and similar literary papers.
What we have, then, in "Henry George, Unorthodox
American," is a living portrait of one unusual citizen of
the world by another.
Dan Sullivan: Are you
a Real Libertarian, or a ROYAL Libertarian?
The English free-trader Cobden remarked that "you
who free the land will do more for the people than we who
have freed trade." Indeed, how can anyone speak of free
trade when the trader has to pay tribute to some favored
land-entitlement holder in order to do business?
This imperfect policy of
non-intervention, or laissez-faire, led straight to a
most hideous and dreadful economic exploitation;
starvation wages, slum dwelling, killing hours,
pauperism, coffin-ships, child-labour -- nothing like it
had ever been seen in modern times...People began to say,
if this is what State abstention comes to, let us have
some State intervention.
But the state had
intervened; that was the whole trouble. The State had
established one monopoly--the landlord's monopoly of
economic rent--thereby shutting off great hordes of
people from free access to the only source of human
subsistence, and driving them into factories to work for
whatever Mr. Gradgrind and Mr. Bottles chose to give
them. The land of England, while by no means nearly
all actually occupied, was
all legallyoccupied; and this
State-created monopoly enabled landlords to satisfy their
needs and desires with little exertion or none, but it
also removed the land from competition with industry in
the labor market, thus creating a huge, constant and
exigent labour-surplus. [Emphasis Nock's] --Albert J.
Nock, "The Gods' Lookout" February 1934 ...
The red, red herring
Royal libertarians are fond of confusing the
classical liberal concept of common land ownership,
particularly as espoused by land value tax advocate Henry
George, with socialism. Yet socialists have always been
contemptuous of George and of the distinction between
land monopoly and capital monopolies. However, Frank
Chodorov and Albert J. Nock (the original editors of
s) were both advocates of
George's economic remedies as well as lovers of
individual liberty.
The only reformer abroad in the world in my
time who interested me in the least was Henry George,
because his project did not contemplate prescription,
but, on the contrary, would reduce it to almost zero. He
was the only one of the lot who believed in freedom, or
(as far as I could see) had any approximation to an
intelligent idea of what freedom is, and of the economic
prerequisites to attaining it....One is immensely tickled
to see how things are coming out nowadays with reference
to his doctrine, for George was in fact the best friend
the capitalist ever had. He built up the most complete
and most impregnable defense of the rights of capital
that was ever constructed, and if the capitalists of his
day had had sense enough to dig in behind it, their
successors would not now be squirming under the merciless
exactions which collectivism is laying on them, and which
George would have no scruples whatever about describing
as sheer highwaymanry. --Albert J. Nock "Thoughts on
Utopia"... Read the
whole piece
Fred E. Foldvary — The Ultimate Tax Reform: Public
Revenue from Land Rent
Several prominent libertarians have recognized land
value or rent as the source of public finance most
compatible with liberty. Albert Jay Nock, for example,
distinguished between the improper political means of
obtaining wealth, such as from arbitrary taxation, and
the proper economic means, from enterprise. He regarded
public revenue from land rent as within the economic
means, since the “monopoly of economic rent, on the
other hand, gives exclusive rights to values accruing
from the desire of other persons to possess that
property; values which take their rise irrespective of
any exercise of the economic means on the part of the
holder.”25 (He used the term “monopoly”
in its classical meaning, in which a new entrant cannot
increase the supply, hence together, the landowners have
a monopoly.) ... read
the whole document
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